off-topic: Assuntos muito interessantes e incómodos
Ok, já chega.
Naturalmente a comunidade não tem qualquer interesse no tema, pelo menos quando abordado da forma que o romeu59 faz.
Também já ficou evidente que ele não está disponível para dialogar nem quando a questão são os temas que coloca, apenas pretende colar textos que encontra noutros locais (o que só está a fazer com que o tópico acabe a ser ainda mais ridicularizado).
Portanto, este tópico não está aqui a fazer nada, só a gerar confusão e para momentos de descontracção até já existe um tópico...
Naturalmente a comunidade não tem qualquer interesse no tema, pelo menos quando abordado da forma que o romeu59 faz.
Também já ficou evidente que ele não está disponível para dialogar nem quando a questão são os temas que coloca, apenas pretende colar textos que encontra noutros locais (o que só está a fazer com que o tópico acabe a ser ainda mais ridicularizado).
Portanto, este tópico não está aqui a fazer nada, só a gerar confusão e para momentos de descontracção até já existe um tópico...
FLOP - Fundamental Laws Of Profit
1. Mais vale perder um ganho que ganhar uma perda, a menos que se cumpra a Segunda Lei.
2. A expectativa de ganho deve superar a expectativa de perda, onde a expectativa mede a
__.amplitude média do ganho/perda contra a respectiva probabilidade.
3. A Primeira Lei não é mesmo necessária mas com Três Leis isto fica definitivamente mais giro.
און או&
און אויב זיי טאָן אַלע די ליבע לאַס _וועגאַס ווי אַדוואַקאַץ ליבערשט ווי זייַענדיק ביטשי ראָמעאָ
Tradução: E se fossem todos fazer O amor como o Las _Vegas preconiza em vez de estarem azucrinar o Romeu.
Tradução: E se fossem todos fazer O amor como o Las _Vegas preconiza em vez de estarem azucrinar o Romeu.
P.S.- Teclado "made in Mexico", desculpem a falta de acentuacao.
Você pode ter todo o dinheiro do mundo, mas há algo que jamais poderá comprar: um dinossauro
Você pode ter todo o dinheiro do mundo, mas há algo que jamais poderá comprar: um dinossauro
Elias Escreveu:Não sei se há algum falante de húngaro neste forum mas por via das dúvidas aqui fica:


Elias Escreveu:Relativamente ao post que coloquei anteriormente, gostaria de esclarecer que não concordo com tudo o que lá se diz. Por exemplo esta parte:
Senkit sem akarok megbüntetni, bánjanak velük minden szempontból liberálisan. Mi csak azt kívánjuk, hogy ezek az emberek újból az Unióhoz kötődjenek, és alávessék magukat törvényeinek.”
Parece-me um disparate pegado, não está fundamentado e contradiz a parte em que ele escreve
"és az állami törvényhozás képviselőjeként (1834-42) hamarosan Közép-Illinois egyik legismertebb whig politikusa, s alapos jogi tanulmányok híján is egyik legsikeresebb ügyvédje lett."
Enfim, fica aqui a minha opinião crítica
Concordo absolutamente, acho uma besteirada do gajo


romeu59 Escreveu:Documentários com informação censurada pelos meios de comunicação "oficiais" cada vez mais desacreditados:
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=7dtKKjcW ... re=related
America: From Freedom to Fascism1 - LEGENDADO PT
O falecido produtor Aaron Russo nesse importante documentário, embarca numa viagem através de seu país numa busca por respostas sobre e existência ou não de uma lei que obriga os americanos a pagar o imposto de renda.
Portanto, em resumo, a 16º emenda não foi ratificada por todos os estados, tornando o imposto sobre o rendimento ilegal ?
Tu acreditas mesmo que, num país como os EUA, onde a litigância acontece em cada esquina, tal como cá há cafés lá há escritórios de advogados, que uma coisa destas passava e se mantinha até hoje ?
Relativamente ao post que coloquei anteriormente, gostaria de esclarecer que não concordo com tudo o que lá se diz. Por exemplo esta parte:
Senkit sem akarok megbüntetni, bánjanak velük minden szempontból liberálisan. Mi csak azt kívánjuk, hogy ezek az emberek újból az Unióhoz kötődjenek, és alávessék magukat törvényeinek.”
Parece-me um disparate pegado, não está fundamentado e contradiz a parte em que ele escreve
"és az állami törvényhozás képviselőjeként (1834-42) hamarosan Közép-Illinois egyik legismertebb whig politikusa, s alapos jogi tanulmányok híján is egyik legsikeresebb ügyvédje lett."
Enfim, fica aqui a minha opinião crítica
Senkit sem akarok megbüntetni, bánjanak velük minden szempontból liberálisan. Mi csak azt kívánjuk, hogy ezek az emberek újból az Unióhoz kötődjenek, és alávessék magukat törvényeinek.”
Parece-me um disparate pegado, não está fundamentado e contradiz a parte em que ele escreve
"és az állami törvényhozás képviselőjeként (1834-42) hamarosan Közép-Illinois egyik legismertebb whig politikusa, s alapos jogi tanulmányok híján is egyik legsikeresebb ügyvédje lett."
Enfim, fica aqui a minha opinião crítica

- Mensagens: 35428
- Registado: 5/11/2002 12:21
- Localização: Barlavento
Não sei se há algum falante de húngaro neste forum mas por via das dúvidas aqui fica:
Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln (Hodgenville mellett, Kentucky, 1809. február 12. – Washington, 1865. április 15.) 1860-tól 1865-ben történt meggyilkolásáig az Egyesült Államok 16. elnöke, az első republikánus elnök. Sikeresen kivezette országát az addigi legnagyobb belső válságból (a polgárháborúból) és eltörölte a rabszolgaságot. 1860-as megválasztása előtt ügyvédként, Illinois állami tisztviselőként, kongresszusi képviselőként dolgozott, valamint kétszer jelöltette magát sikertelenül szenátornak. A rabszolgaság eltörléséért harcoló kiváló szónokként 1860-ban elnyerte a Republikánus Párt elnökjelöltségét és még abban az évben megválasztották elnöknek. Elnöksége idejére esett a 13. alkotmánymódosítás és az 1863-as emancipációs kiáltvány. Hat nappal azután, hogy a déliek tábornoka, Robert Edward Lee letette a fegyvert, Lincoln lett az első elnök, akivel merénylet végzett.
Lincoln maga irányította a sikeres háború menetét, különösen az olyan tábornokok kiválasztásában jeleskedett, mint Ulysses S. Grant. A Republikánus Párt belügyeit is jól kezelte, a képviselőket arra szólította fel, hogy működjenek együtt. Lincoln sikeresen oldotta meg a Trent-ügyet is, ami egy 1861-es diplomácia ügy volt Anglia és az Egyesült Államok között. A vezetése alatt a háború elején kerültek az Unió irányítása alá a rabszolgatartó határállamok (Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri és Nyugat-Virginia). Az 1864-es elnökválasztáson ismét neki szavaztak bizalmat. A történészek az Egyesült Államok egyik legjobb elnökének tartják.
Sokan kritizálták, főleg a Republikánus Párt radikális szárnya, hogy milyen lassan halad a rabszolgaság eltörlésével. Ezeken a kritikákon a retorikájával és a beszédeivel sikerült a nemzetet túllendíteni. 1863-as gettysburgi beszéde az egyik legszebb amerikai szónoklat lett, lelket öntött a nemzetbe.
Tartalomjegyzék
[elrejtés]
* 1 Élete
o 1.1 Gyerekkora és iskoláztatása
* 2 Házassága
* 3 Korai politikai karrierje és katonai szolgálata
o 3.1 Megválasztása
o 3.2 Első ciklusa
o 3.3 Második ciklusa
o 3.4 A halálos lövés
o 3.5 Későbbi megítélése
o 3.6 Magánélete
* 4 Felhasznált irodalom
* 5 Elődök és utódok
* 6 Külső hivatkozások
Élete [szerkesztés]
Gyerekkora és iskoláztatása [szerkesztés]
A fiatal Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln 1809 február 12-én született egy egyszobás gerendaházban. Szülei, Thomas Lincoln (1778. január 6. – 1851. január 17.) és Nancy Hanks (1784. február 5. – 1818. október 5.) szegény farmerek voltak, egy 1,4 km2 területű földet (a Sinking Spring Farmot) műveltek Kentuckyban, Hardin megyében (ma LaRue megye része). Születési helye alapján Lincoln volt az első elnök, aki nyugaton született. Lincoln nem kapott születésekor középső nevet. Egyik őse, Samuel Lincoln a 17. században vándorolt be Amerikába, a massachusettsi Hinghambe Angliából. Nagyapja volt az, akit szintén Abraham Lincolnnak hívtak, aki Kentuckyba költözött, és ott egy 20 km2 földterületen gazdálkodott, őt 1786-ban egy indián felkelés során ölték meg.
Volt egy nővére, Sarah Lincoln (később Grigsby), aki 1807. február 10-én született. Anyjuk halála után Sarah vezette a háztartást, míg apjuk feleség után nézett. 1826 augusztusában hozzáment Aaron Grigsbyhez, majd 1828. január 20-án első gyerekük szülés közben hunyt el.
Thomas Lincoln a vidéki Kentucky megbecsült embere volt. Számos farmmal rendelkezett, beleértve a Sinking Spring Farmot is, ennek ellenére nem volt vagyonos ember. A család a különvált baptista egyház istentiszteleteit látogatta, az egyháztagok nagyon magas erkölcsi szintet állítottak fel az alkoholfogyasztással és a tánccal szemben, és számos egyháztag a rabszolgaság intézménye ellen volt. Lincoln maga sosem csatlakozott az egyházhoz, egyikhez sem.
1816-ban a Lincoln család elhagyta Kentuckyt, hogy elkerüljenek egy az egyik tulajdonuk miatt indított bírósági eljárást és Perry megyébe (ma Spencer megye), Indianába költöztek.
Amikor Lincoln kilenc éves volt, anyja 34 éves korában elhunyt. Röviddel ezután apja újranősült, elvette Sarah Bush Johnstont. Lincoln és mostoha-anyja közel álltak egymáshoz, a későbbiekben mindig „anyának” szólította őt, apjától viszont távol került. Úgy érezte, apja nem sikeres és nem akart olyan lenni, mint ő. 1830-ban, amikor járvány tört ki, a család az illinoisi Macon megyébe költözött.
A követező évben, amikor a család újra költözött, ezúttal Coles megyébe, a 22 éves Lincoln a saját lábára állt, kenuval leutazott a Sangamon-folyón New Salem falujáig. Még abban az évben egy helybeli üzletemben, Denton Offutt felbérelte, hogy szállítson árut a Sangamon-, az Illinois- és a Mississippi-folyón New Salem és New Orleans között. Lincoln formális iskolai oktatása 18 hónapig tartott, de emellett maga nagyban szorgalmas olvasó és autodidakta volt. Értett a fejsze használatához és birkózásban is jeleskedett. Elutasította a vadászatot és a halászatot, mert nem tartotta helyénvalónak az állatok megölését, még élelem céljából sem.
Házassága [szerkesztés]
Mary Todd Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln felesége
Lincoln első szerelme Ann Rutledge volt. Akkor találkozott vele, amikor New Salembe költözött, 1835-re kölcsönös érzelem alakult ki közöttük. Rutlidge azonban ugyanazon év augusztus 25-én elhunyt, valószínűleg lázas megbetegedésben.
Korábban, valamikor 1833-ban vagy 1834-ben találkozott Mary Owens-szel, barátja, Elzabeth Abell hugával, amikor meglátogatta őt Kentuckyban. 1836-ban Licoln beleegyezett, hogy Elizabeth közvetítsen közte és Mary között, ha Mary visszatér New Salembe. Mary 1836 novemberében tért vissza és Lincoln udvarolt neki egy ideig, bár mindkettőjüknek kétségeik voltak. 1837. augusztus 16-án Lincoln írt egy levelet Marynek Springfieldből, ahova áprilisban költözött, hogy ügyvédi praxisát elkezdje. A levélben azt írta, hogy nem hibáztatná őt, ha lezárná a kapcsolatukat. Mary sosem válaszolt neki, ezzel az udvarlás abbamaradt.
1840-ben Lincoln eljegyezte egy módos lexingtoni rabszolgatartó család lányát, Mary Toddot. 1839 decemberében találkoztak Springfieldben, az eljegyzés 1840 karácsonya körül történt, az esküvő 1841. január 1-jére volt kitűzve, a pár azonban szétment, majd egy partin találkoztak és 1842. november 4-én összeházasodtak Springfieldben, Mary házas nővérének házában. 1844-ben a pár vett egy házat Springfieldben, közel Lincoln ügyvédi irodájához.
1843. augusztus 1-jén megszületett a Lincoln-család első gyermeke Robert Todd Lincoln, majd 1846. március 10-én második fiúk, Edward Baker Lincoln.
Egy 1864-es Mathew Brady-fotó, amin Lincoln elnök könyvet olvas legkisebb fiával, Taddel
Mindazonáltal Robert volt az egyetlen a Lincoln-gyerekek közül, aki megérte a felnőttkort. Edward Lincoln 1850. február 1-jén hunyt el tuberkolózisban. A család gyászát valamennyire enyhítette tizenegy hónappal később William "Willie" Wallace Lincoln érkezése, aki december 21-én született. William 11 évesen halt meg, 1862. február 20-án, Lincoln első elnöki mandátuma idején. A Lincoln-család negyedik gyermeke, Thomas "Tad" Lincoln 1853. április 4-én született, ő túlélte apját, de tizenhat évesen 1871. július 16-án hunyt el Chicagoban. Robert a Phillips Exeter Akadémián és a Harvard Főiskolán tanult. Az ő (és egyben apja) utolsó egyenes ági leszármazottja, Robert Todd Lincoln Beckwith (Lincoln dédunokája) 1985. december 24-én halt meg.
A fiaik halála Maryre és Abrahamra is hatással volt. Később Mary nem tudta elviselni a férje és fiai elvesztésével járó stresszt, ez bipoláris zavarokat okoztak nála, fia Robert 1875-ben egészségügyi szanatóriumba helyeztette. Abraham maga melankóliában szenvedett egész élete alatt, ezt ma klinikai depressziónak hívnák.
Korai politikai karrierje és katonai szolgálata [szerkesztés]
Igen sokféle munkába belekóstolt, mielőtt ügyvéd és politikus lett belőle. Művelte apja farmját, dolgozott kompon, kerítésdeszkát hasogatott, hajózott a Mississippin, segédkezett boltban és kovácsműhelyben, pár hónapig katonáskodott, kereskedett, földmérést vállalt. Állandóan olvasott, olykor mérföldeket gyalogolt, hogy kölcsönkérjen egy könyvet, s folyamatos önművelésének eredményeképpen 1837-ben Springfieldben ügyvédi irodát nyithatott egy társával. A Whig Párt politikai elveit tette magáévá, és az állami törvényhozás képviselőjeként (1834-42) hamarosan Közép-Illinois egyik legismertebb whig politikusa, s alapos jogi tanulmányok híján is egyik legsikeresebb ügyvédje lett.
A rabszolgaságot erkölcstelennek tartotta, de azt elismerte, hogy azonnali megoldást nem tud ajánlani, s nem támogatta a politikai feszültséget szító abolicionistákat. A rabszolgaság új területekre való kiterjesztését azonban a szabad farmerek gazdasági fejlődésének akadályozásának tekintette, s elvi alapon is ellenezte: "Politikai álszentekké nyilvánítottuk magunkat a világ előtt, amikor kiterjesztjük az emberi rabszolgaságot, s ugyanakkor az emberi barátság egyetlen barátainak tartjuk magunkat!"
Az Egyesült Államok Kongresszusának képviselőjeként (1847-49) támadta a mexikói háborút kirobbantó Polk elnököt, de nem sikerült magára vonnia a figyelmet. A Kansas-Nebraska-törvény (1854) elfogadása után élesen szembeszállt a törvényt eltervező és védelmező Stephen A. Douglas szenátorral, s az ő irányításával szerveződött meg a Republikánus Párt illinoisi szervezete. Az 1858-as szenátusi választásra készülve tartotta egyik leghíresebb beszédét: "Az önmagával meghasonlott ház nem állhat fenn. Úgy hiszem, ez a kormányzat nem maradhat tartósan félig rabszolgatartó és félig szabad. Nem azt akarom, hogy az Unió felbomoljon- nem azt akarom, hogy a ház összedőljön-, de azt gondolom, meghasonlottsága meg fog szűnni. Vagy ilyen lesz egészen, vagy olyan."
Bár a szenátusi választáson vereséget szenvedett Douglasszel szemben, hét nyilvános vitájuk országszerte nagy figyelmet keltett, és ismertté tette Lincoln nevét. Douglas számára az önkormányzat elve volt az elsődleges. Úgy vélte, hogy ha a szabad amerikaiak rabszolgatartó államot kívánnak létrehozni, ebben senki sem akadályozhatja meg őket, mert a többségi uralomnak nincsenek korlátjai. Lincoln számára a rabszolgaság erkölcsi tűrhetetlensége volt az elsődleges szempont, s úgy vélte a többség sem veheti el egy kisebbségnek a Függetlenségi Nyilatkozatban megfogalmazott jogait "az élethez, a szabadsághoz és a boldogulásra való törekvéshez."
Megválasztása [szerkesztés]
1860-ban először Illinois republikánusai, majd a republikánusok országos elnökjelölő konvenciója is őt választotta meg a párt elnökjelöltjének. Ezt mérsékelt nyilatkozatainak, ügyes taktikai lépéseinek köszönhette, valamint annak, hogy a pártjának nem volt más jelöltje, aki a siker reményében indulhatott volna. Lincoln a népi szavazatok 40%-át kapta meg, de mivel a választás előtt a Demokrata Párt megoszlott, több jelöltet indított, s így egyik sem tudott elegendő szavazatot összegyűjteni, Lincoln pedig megszerezhette az elektori szavazatok többségét.
Első ciklusa [szerkesztés]
Mire az új elnök egy tervezett merénylet miatt meglehetősen dicstelenül szinte titokban megérkezett a fővárosba, hét állam már kilépett az Unióból, s megalapította az Amerikai Konföderált Államokat. Az új elnök nem támogatta a Crittenden szenátor nevéhez fűzödő kompromisszum tervét, amellyel Missouri déli határától délre szövetségi védelmet ígértek volna a rabszolgaságnak: ezt pártja programja nem tette lehetővé számára. Lincoln mégis békülékeny beszédet tartott hivatalba lépésének napján: "Elégedetlen honfitársaim, nem tőlem, hanem tőletek függ a polgárháború kérdése... Az emlékezet misztikus húrjai, amelyek ott feszülnek a csataterektől a hazafiak sírjától az élő szívekig, a családi tűzhelyekig, behálózva ezt a tágas országot, újult erővel fogják zengeni az Unió kórusát, ha- és én bizton hiszem ezt- a természetünkben lakozó jobb angyalok ismét megérintik azokat!" Úgy vélte azonban, hogy erre a "forradalomra" erkölcsileg igazolhatatatlan cél érdekében került sor, s neki kötelessége mindent megtenni az Unió egységének védelmében. A Dél-Karolina partjainál fekvő Sumter-erődöt nem volt hajlandó kiüríttetni, hanem élelmet küldött a blokád alá vont helyőrségnek, mire 1861. április 12-én a parti ütegek tüzet nyitottak az erődre, amely felett a csillagos-sávos lobogó lengett. Ezzel kezdetét vette az amerikai polgárháború.
Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, Illinois, 1860. augusztus 13.)
Lincolnnak sikerült elkerülnie, hogy ő tegye meg az első agresszív lépést, azt azonban nem tudta megakadályozni, hogy a „Felső-Dél”, vagyis Virginia, Észak-Karolina, Tennessee és Arkansas is csatlakozzék a Konföderációhoz. Az elnök ügyes, kibékítő, s ha kellett határozott intézkedéseinek köszönhetően a rabszolgatartó Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, és Missouri az Unió oldalán maradt, akárcsak a Virginiából kivált, s 1863-ban önálló állammá váló Nyugat-Virginia. Azt is ő akadályozta meg, hogy a brit-amerikai kapcsolatok elmérgesedjenek, miután egy amerikai hadihajó a nyílt tengeren megállította a Trent nevű angol gőzöst, és foglyul ejtette a Konföderáció Európába utazó diplomatáit. „Egyszerre csak egy háborút!”, jelentette ki, s a brit tiltakozás után szabadon engedte az elfogottakat.
Az 1862-es minnesotai sziú felkelés után Lincoln 303 halálra ítélt indián közül 265-nek megkegyelmezett, s ezért csak azokat végezték ki, akik gyilkosságot, vagy nemi erőszakot követtek el. Ez nem volt népszerű döntés. Egy szenátor figyelmeztette, ha több indiánt kivégeztet, nagyobb támogatást kap a Kongresszusban. Lincoln így válaszolt: „Nem akaszthatok fel embereket szavazatokért!” Ugyanígy megkegyelmezett a többi halálraítéltnek is, akiknek ítéletét eléje terjesztették.
Lincoln a saját feladatának tekintette a háború irányítását: ő jelentette be a Konföderáció tengerpartjának blokádját, ő terjesztette ki az önkéntesek szolgálati idejét, és ő növelte meg a hadsereg létszámát, holott mindez a Kongresszus feladata lett volna. A kémek, csempészek és ellenséges agitátorok miatt a személyes szabadságjogok egy részét is felfüggesztette, s lehetővé tette, hogy katonák tartóztassanak le olyan háborúellenes szónokokat, mint például a hírhedt Clement C. Vallandigham. A tiltakozóknak így felelt: „Agyon kell hát lövetnem egy egyszerű katonafiút, aki dezertál, és a haja szálát sem görbíthetem meg egy fortélyos agitátornak, aki dezertálásra buzdítja?”
A déliek távozása után a Kongresszus mindkét házában republikánus többség jött létre, s ez lehetővé tette több, régóta követelt törvény elfogadását, amit eddig a déliek meg tudtak akadályozni. A Morril-féle (1861), majd a késöbbi (1862, 1864) vámtörvények az ipar védelmében példátlan módon megemelték a vámokat. A telepestörvénnyel (Homestead Act, 1862) lehetővé tették, hogy minden farmer jelképes összeg fejében birtokba vehessen 160 acre (kb. 65 hektár) nyugati földet. A Morril-féle földadományozási törvény földeket juttatott az egyes államoknak mezőgazdasági és ipari iskolák létesítésére, s törvényt hoztak a transzkontinentális vasútvonal megépítéséről is (1862). Átalakították az adórendszert, létrehozták a nemzeti bankrendszert, s nemzeti papírpénzt adtak ki (1863). Bevezették a sorozást is, bár emiatt súlyos zavargások törtek ki New Yorkban. A háború jórészt a Konföderáció területein folyt, s ezért Észak és Nyugat fejlődése folytatódhatott: Nevada 1864-ben államként csatlakozhatott az Unióhoz.
A háború első két évében katonai sikerekre nem került sor, csak az államadósság és az adók növekedtek. 1862 elején az elnöknek kellett határozott paranccsal akcióra kényszeríteni a tábornokokat. Az óvatos Lincoln a republikánusok szemében túlságosan passzív, a demokraták szemében pedig túlságosan radikálisnak tűnt, emberségét és becsületességét elismerték, de nem tartották nagy politikusnak. Lincoln kénytelen volt nyilvános levelekben megindokolni politikai intézkedéseit. Sokáig azt hangoztatta, hogy a háború célja az Unió helyreállítása, s állami kárpótlást is ígért azoknak a rabszolgatartó északi vagy déli államoknak, amelyek törvényt hoztak a rabszolgaság fokozatos felszámolásáról. 1862 nyarán látta be, hogy a nagyobb külföldi és belföldi támogatás érdekében neki kell felszabadítani elnöki kiáltvánnyal a rabszolgákat (és azt sem akarta, hogy ezt a Kongresszus tegye meg helyette). Az első jelentősebb északi győzelem, az antietami csata (szeptember 17.) után jelentette be, hogy 1863. január elsejétől érvénybe lép a lázadók területein élő rabszolgákat felszabadító úgynevezett emancipációs nyilatkozata, amelyet a katonai szükségszerűségre hivatkozva tett közzé. „Egész életemben sohasem voltam biztosabb abban, hogy jó dolgot cselekszem, mint amikor aláírtam ezt az iratot!” jelentette ki. Ezután engedélyezte a feketékből felállított katonai egységek létrehozását is.
Miután 1862 novemberében leváltotta a keleti hadsereg túl sokat tétovázó és késlekedő parancsnokát, McClennan tábornokot, igen hosszan kereste azt a katonatisztet, aki aktív és határozott hadműveleteivel képes megsemmisíteni a Konföderáció hadseregét. Az Unió hadseregei számtalan kudarc és félsiker után csak 1863-ban értek el jelentősebb eredményeket és ezekkel a győzelmekkel biztosították, hogy az európai nagyhatalmak nem ismerték el önálló államnak a Konföderációt. A gettysburgi csatában (július 1-3.) sikerült súlyos csapást mérni a déli Lee tábornok Pennsylvaniáig hatoló hadseregére. Lincoln a katonák temetőjének felavatásakor mondta el híres gettysburgi beszédét, amelyben megfogalmazta, hogy nemcsak az alkotmányos szabadságért, hanem az emberi egyenlőséget képviselő rendszerért kell folytatni a polgárháborút: „Nyolcvanhét évvel ezelőtt atyáink új nemzetet hoztak létre e kontinensen, amely a szabadságban fogant, és ama elvnek szenteltetett, hogy minden ember egyenlő. Most nagy polgárháborút vívunk, amelyben eldől majd, hogy sokáig fennmaradhat-e a nemzet, és bármely más, hasonló módon létrejött és ilyen elveket valló nemzet... Magunkat kell itt ama nagy feladatnak szentelnünk, amely előttünk áll, e dicső halottak példája növelje meg ragaszkodásunkat azon ügyhöz, amelyért ők mindent feláldoztak, határozzuk el ünnepélyesen, hogy nem haltak meg hiába, hogy e nemzet Isten segedelmével újjá fog születni a szabadságban, s hogy a nép kormányzata, a nép által és népért létrejött kormányzat nem fog eltűnni a Föld színéről.”
Miután Grant tábornok Vicksburg elfoglalásával Mississippi utolsó déli kézen lévő erődjét is az Unió kezére juttatta (1863. július 4.) majd Chattanooga felmentésével (november 23-25.) megnyitotta a hadsereg útját Georgia fővárosa felé, Lincoln megtalálta személyében azt a főtisztet, akit évek óta keresett, és 1864 márciusában az Unió hadseregének főparancsnokának nevezte ki. Lincoln ekkor már kialakította elképzeléseit a déli államok rekontsrukciójáról: a Konföderáció főtisztviselőinek kivételével minden lázadónak kegyelmet akart adni, a rabszolgáktól eltekintve tulajdonuktól sem kívánta megfosztani őket, s azt tervezte hogy amikor az 1860-ban szavazati joggal rendelkező állampolgárok (vagyis a fehér férfiak) 10%-a hűségesküt tesz az Uniónak, államuk visszakapja önkormányzatát. Ezzel a programmal meg tudta szerezni mind a demokraták, mind a radikális és konzervatív politikusok támogatását.
A program végrehajtása érdekében azonban előbb meg kellett nyernie az 1864-es elnökválasztást. Lincoln hallani sem akart arról, hogy a választást a háborúra való tekintettel elhalasszák: „Választások nélkül nem lehet szabad kormányzatunk!” Győzelme érdekében nem volt hajlandó meggyorsítani az őt támogató Colorado és Nebraska állammá nyilvánítását, s nem rendelt el választásokat az északi megszállás alatt álló déli államokban sem. A békepárti demokraták fegyverszünetet követeltek, és McClellan tábornokot jelölték elnöknek, a háborúpárti demokraták pedig Nemzeti Unió Párt néven a republikánusokkal egyesülve Lincolnt jelölték, azzal a jelszóval, hogy a „Folyón való átkelés közben nem váltunk lovat!” A választás eredményét az döntötte el, hogy Sherman északi tábornok szeptember 4-én megüzenhette: elfoglalta Atlantát, Georgia fővárosát, az Unió flottája pedig megszállta a Konföderáció utolsó kikötőit is. Nyilvánvalóvá lett, hogy a háborút hamarosan meg fogják nyerni, s ezzel Andrew Jackson óta Lincoln vált az első elnökké, akit újraválasztottak. Amint ő is megfogalmazta: "Ezzel bebizonyosodott, hogy a nép kormánya fenn tudja tartani a választást egy nagy polgárháború közepette is. A világ idáig nem tudhatta, hogy ilyesmi lehetséges."
Második ciklusa [szerkesztés]
Év végi üzenetében támogatást kért a rabszolgaságot eltörlő, XIII. alkotmánykiegészítéshez, amelyre a Kongresszus 1865. február 1-jén tett javaslatot, s ez év decemberében lépett életbe. Lincoln ezt már nem érhette meg. Újraválasztásával megsokasodtak az erőszakos déli tervek, s merényletkísérletekre is sor került. Élete utolsó hetei örömteliek voltak: április 4-én ellátogathatott a Konföderáció elfoglalt fővárosába, Richmondba, ahol a volt rabszolgák megható ünneplésben részesítették, s öt nap múlva megtudta, hogy Lee tábornok Appomatoxnál letette a fegyvert. Nagylelkű békét kívánt kötni, s ezt mondta a főparancsnokoknak: „Hagyják, hogy megadják magukat és hazatérjenek otthonaikba, csak fegyvert ne fogjanak újra. Hadd menjenek valamennyien, a tisztek és a többiek is, én csak engedelmességet akarok, nem további vérontást... Senkit sem akarok megbüntetni, bánjanak velük minden szempontból liberálisan. Mi csak azt kívánjuk, hogy ezek az emberek újból az Unióhoz kötődjenek, és alávessék magukat törvényeinek.” Nem akarta radikálisan átalakítani a déli államok társadalmi rendszerét sem: azt tervezte, hogy egyelőre csak a műveltebb és a hadseregben harcoló feketék számára biztosít politikai jogokat.
A halálos lövés [szerkesztés]
John Wilkes Booth, miután Lincolnt lelőtte, kiugrott az elnöki páholyból, a színpadra zuhant és megsérült.Majd ezt mondta "Sic Semper Tyrannis". Mindenki láthatta, ki a merénylő, alig 3 nappal később rátaláltak és lelőtték. Az elnök felesége eleinte föl sem fogta, mi történt, azt hitte, Abe szunyókál. Miután kiderült, mi történt, az egész Ford színház (a merénylet helyszíne) kétségbeesett, és egy bizonyos Dr. Charles Leale néhány társával együtt, azon nyomban megvizsgálta az elnököt. Megállapították, hogy a golyó a bal füle és a koponyája között hatolt be, és a seb halálos. Négy katona átszállította az elnököt a színházzal szemben lévő épületbe, Petersonhoz, aki mellesleg katona volt, csak akkor nem teljesített szolgálatot. Fél 11-kor megkezdődött a virrasztás a haldokló felett, aki 1865. április 15-én belehalt sérülésébe.
Későbbi megítélése [szerkesztés]
Szerénysége, becsületessége, humora, embersége miatt, az Unió megvédelmezése, a rabszolgák felszabadítása, a demokratikus kormányzáshoz való ragaszkodása következtében, valamint drámai halálára való tekintettel az amerikai politikai kultúra egyik legnagyobb tiszteletnek örvendő, legendás személyiségévé vált.
Magánélete [szerkesztés]
Lincoln felesége, Mary Todd Lincoln elviselhetetlen nőszemély volt. Nem ismerte a határt sem anyagilag, sem érzelmileg. Előfordult, hogy egy hónap alatt 500 pár cipőt vett magának. Mindamellett jószívű asszony volt. Valahányszor ajándék érkezett a Fehér Házba - legyen az étel, ital - fölpakolta a kocsira, és a katonai kórházba hajtatott, ahol szétosztotta az „ajándékot” a sebesültek között. Négy gyermeke közül Abe Tadet dédelgette legjobban, aki farkastorokkal született, emiatt beszédhibás volt. Taden kívül senki - legyen az akár magas, akár alacsony beosztású személy - nem engedhette meg magának, hogy bocsánatkérés nélkül rontson be hivatalos ülésekre.
Elsőszülött gyermeke, Robert, jóvágású, bajuszos fiatalember volt. Lincolnnak két gyermeke halálát is meg kellett érnie. Edward Baker Lincoln alig négyéves korában halt meg, míg William Wallace Lincolnt, aki 50-ben született, a tífusz ragadta el 1862. február 20-án.
Felhasznált irodalom [szerkesztés]
* Hahner Péter: Az Egyesült Államok elnökei, Maecenas kiadó, 2006.
Elődök és utódok [szerkesztés]
Elődje:
James Buchanan Az Amerikai Egyesült Államok elnöke
1861. március 4. – 1865. április 15. Utódja:
Andrew Johnson
Külső hivatkozások [szerkesztés]
Commons
A Wikimédia Commons tartalmaz Abraham Lincoln témájú médiaállományokat.
* Életrajza a Fehér Ház honlapján
* Abraham Lincoln Research Site (eng)
* Abraham Lincoln Assassination (eng)
Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln (Hodgenville mellett, Kentucky, 1809. február 12. – Washington, 1865. április 15.) 1860-tól 1865-ben történt meggyilkolásáig az Egyesült Államok 16. elnöke, az első republikánus elnök. Sikeresen kivezette országát az addigi legnagyobb belső válságból (a polgárháborúból) és eltörölte a rabszolgaságot. 1860-as megválasztása előtt ügyvédként, Illinois állami tisztviselőként, kongresszusi képviselőként dolgozott, valamint kétszer jelöltette magát sikertelenül szenátornak. A rabszolgaság eltörléséért harcoló kiváló szónokként 1860-ban elnyerte a Republikánus Párt elnökjelöltségét és még abban az évben megválasztották elnöknek. Elnöksége idejére esett a 13. alkotmánymódosítás és az 1863-as emancipációs kiáltvány. Hat nappal azután, hogy a déliek tábornoka, Robert Edward Lee letette a fegyvert, Lincoln lett az első elnök, akivel merénylet végzett.
Lincoln maga irányította a sikeres háború menetét, különösen az olyan tábornokok kiválasztásában jeleskedett, mint Ulysses S. Grant. A Republikánus Párt belügyeit is jól kezelte, a képviselőket arra szólította fel, hogy működjenek együtt. Lincoln sikeresen oldotta meg a Trent-ügyet is, ami egy 1861-es diplomácia ügy volt Anglia és az Egyesült Államok között. A vezetése alatt a háború elején kerültek az Unió irányítása alá a rabszolgatartó határállamok (Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, Missouri és Nyugat-Virginia). Az 1864-es elnökválasztáson ismét neki szavaztak bizalmat. A történészek az Egyesült Államok egyik legjobb elnökének tartják.
Sokan kritizálták, főleg a Republikánus Párt radikális szárnya, hogy milyen lassan halad a rabszolgaság eltörlésével. Ezeken a kritikákon a retorikájával és a beszédeivel sikerült a nemzetet túllendíteni. 1863-as gettysburgi beszéde az egyik legszebb amerikai szónoklat lett, lelket öntött a nemzetbe.
Tartalomjegyzék
[elrejtés]
* 1 Élete
o 1.1 Gyerekkora és iskoláztatása
* 2 Házassága
* 3 Korai politikai karrierje és katonai szolgálata
o 3.1 Megválasztása
o 3.2 Első ciklusa
o 3.3 Második ciklusa
o 3.4 A halálos lövés
o 3.5 Későbbi megítélése
o 3.6 Magánélete
* 4 Felhasznált irodalom
* 5 Elődök és utódok
* 6 Külső hivatkozások
Élete [szerkesztés]
Gyerekkora és iskoláztatása [szerkesztés]
A fiatal Abraham Lincoln
Abraham Lincoln 1809 február 12-én született egy egyszobás gerendaházban. Szülei, Thomas Lincoln (1778. január 6. – 1851. január 17.) és Nancy Hanks (1784. február 5. – 1818. október 5.) szegény farmerek voltak, egy 1,4 km2 területű földet (a Sinking Spring Farmot) műveltek Kentuckyban, Hardin megyében (ma LaRue megye része). Születési helye alapján Lincoln volt az első elnök, aki nyugaton született. Lincoln nem kapott születésekor középső nevet. Egyik őse, Samuel Lincoln a 17. században vándorolt be Amerikába, a massachusettsi Hinghambe Angliából. Nagyapja volt az, akit szintén Abraham Lincolnnak hívtak, aki Kentuckyba költözött, és ott egy 20 km2 földterületen gazdálkodott, őt 1786-ban egy indián felkelés során ölték meg.
Volt egy nővére, Sarah Lincoln (később Grigsby), aki 1807. február 10-én született. Anyjuk halála után Sarah vezette a háztartást, míg apjuk feleség után nézett. 1826 augusztusában hozzáment Aaron Grigsbyhez, majd 1828. január 20-án első gyerekük szülés közben hunyt el.
Thomas Lincoln a vidéki Kentucky megbecsült embere volt. Számos farmmal rendelkezett, beleértve a Sinking Spring Farmot is, ennek ellenére nem volt vagyonos ember. A család a különvált baptista egyház istentiszteleteit látogatta, az egyháztagok nagyon magas erkölcsi szintet állítottak fel az alkoholfogyasztással és a tánccal szemben, és számos egyháztag a rabszolgaság intézménye ellen volt. Lincoln maga sosem csatlakozott az egyházhoz, egyikhez sem.
1816-ban a Lincoln család elhagyta Kentuckyt, hogy elkerüljenek egy az egyik tulajdonuk miatt indított bírósági eljárást és Perry megyébe (ma Spencer megye), Indianába költöztek.
Amikor Lincoln kilenc éves volt, anyja 34 éves korában elhunyt. Röviddel ezután apja újranősült, elvette Sarah Bush Johnstont. Lincoln és mostoha-anyja közel álltak egymáshoz, a későbbiekben mindig „anyának” szólította őt, apjától viszont távol került. Úgy érezte, apja nem sikeres és nem akart olyan lenni, mint ő. 1830-ban, amikor járvány tört ki, a család az illinoisi Macon megyébe költözött.
A követező évben, amikor a család újra költözött, ezúttal Coles megyébe, a 22 éves Lincoln a saját lábára állt, kenuval leutazott a Sangamon-folyón New Salem falujáig. Még abban az évben egy helybeli üzletemben, Denton Offutt felbérelte, hogy szállítson árut a Sangamon-, az Illinois- és a Mississippi-folyón New Salem és New Orleans között. Lincoln formális iskolai oktatása 18 hónapig tartott, de emellett maga nagyban szorgalmas olvasó és autodidakta volt. Értett a fejsze használatához és birkózásban is jeleskedett. Elutasította a vadászatot és a halászatot, mert nem tartotta helyénvalónak az állatok megölését, még élelem céljából sem.
Házassága [szerkesztés]
Mary Todd Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln felesége
Lincoln első szerelme Ann Rutledge volt. Akkor találkozott vele, amikor New Salembe költözött, 1835-re kölcsönös érzelem alakult ki közöttük. Rutlidge azonban ugyanazon év augusztus 25-én elhunyt, valószínűleg lázas megbetegedésben.
Korábban, valamikor 1833-ban vagy 1834-ben találkozott Mary Owens-szel, barátja, Elzabeth Abell hugával, amikor meglátogatta őt Kentuckyban. 1836-ban Licoln beleegyezett, hogy Elizabeth közvetítsen közte és Mary között, ha Mary visszatér New Salembe. Mary 1836 novemberében tért vissza és Lincoln udvarolt neki egy ideig, bár mindkettőjüknek kétségeik voltak. 1837. augusztus 16-án Lincoln írt egy levelet Marynek Springfieldből, ahova áprilisban költözött, hogy ügyvédi praxisát elkezdje. A levélben azt írta, hogy nem hibáztatná őt, ha lezárná a kapcsolatukat. Mary sosem válaszolt neki, ezzel az udvarlás abbamaradt.
1840-ben Lincoln eljegyezte egy módos lexingtoni rabszolgatartó család lányát, Mary Toddot. 1839 decemberében találkoztak Springfieldben, az eljegyzés 1840 karácsonya körül történt, az esküvő 1841. január 1-jére volt kitűzve, a pár azonban szétment, majd egy partin találkoztak és 1842. november 4-én összeházasodtak Springfieldben, Mary házas nővérének házában. 1844-ben a pár vett egy házat Springfieldben, közel Lincoln ügyvédi irodájához.
1843. augusztus 1-jén megszületett a Lincoln-család első gyermeke Robert Todd Lincoln, majd 1846. március 10-én második fiúk, Edward Baker Lincoln.
Egy 1864-es Mathew Brady-fotó, amin Lincoln elnök könyvet olvas legkisebb fiával, Taddel
Mindazonáltal Robert volt az egyetlen a Lincoln-gyerekek közül, aki megérte a felnőttkort. Edward Lincoln 1850. február 1-jén hunyt el tuberkolózisban. A család gyászát valamennyire enyhítette tizenegy hónappal később William "Willie" Wallace Lincoln érkezése, aki december 21-én született. William 11 évesen halt meg, 1862. február 20-án, Lincoln első elnöki mandátuma idején. A Lincoln-család negyedik gyermeke, Thomas "Tad" Lincoln 1853. április 4-én született, ő túlélte apját, de tizenhat évesen 1871. július 16-án hunyt el Chicagoban. Robert a Phillips Exeter Akadémián és a Harvard Főiskolán tanult. Az ő (és egyben apja) utolsó egyenes ági leszármazottja, Robert Todd Lincoln Beckwith (Lincoln dédunokája) 1985. december 24-én halt meg.
A fiaik halála Maryre és Abrahamra is hatással volt. Később Mary nem tudta elviselni a férje és fiai elvesztésével járó stresszt, ez bipoláris zavarokat okoztak nála, fia Robert 1875-ben egészségügyi szanatóriumba helyeztette. Abraham maga melankóliában szenvedett egész élete alatt, ezt ma klinikai depressziónak hívnák.
Korai politikai karrierje és katonai szolgálata [szerkesztés]
Igen sokféle munkába belekóstolt, mielőtt ügyvéd és politikus lett belőle. Művelte apja farmját, dolgozott kompon, kerítésdeszkát hasogatott, hajózott a Mississippin, segédkezett boltban és kovácsműhelyben, pár hónapig katonáskodott, kereskedett, földmérést vállalt. Állandóan olvasott, olykor mérföldeket gyalogolt, hogy kölcsönkérjen egy könyvet, s folyamatos önművelésének eredményeképpen 1837-ben Springfieldben ügyvédi irodát nyithatott egy társával. A Whig Párt politikai elveit tette magáévá, és az állami törvényhozás képviselőjeként (1834-42) hamarosan Közép-Illinois egyik legismertebb whig politikusa, s alapos jogi tanulmányok híján is egyik legsikeresebb ügyvédje lett.
A rabszolgaságot erkölcstelennek tartotta, de azt elismerte, hogy azonnali megoldást nem tud ajánlani, s nem támogatta a politikai feszültséget szító abolicionistákat. A rabszolgaság új területekre való kiterjesztését azonban a szabad farmerek gazdasági fejlődésének akadályozásának tekintette, s elvi alapon is ellenezte: "Politikai álszentekké nyilvánítottuk magunkat a világ előtt, amikor kiterjesztjük az emberi rabszolgaságot, s ugyanakkor az emberi barátság egyetlen barátainak tartjuk magunkat!"
Az Egyesült Államok Kongresszusának képviselőjeként (1847-49) támadta a mexikói háborút kirobbantó Polk elnököt, de nem sikerült magára vonnia a figyelmet. A Kansas-Nebraska-törvény (1854) elfogadása után élesen szembeszállt a törvényt eltervező és védelmező Stephen A. Douglas szenátorral, s az ő irányításával szerveződött meg a Republikánus Párt illinoisi szervezete. Az 1858-as szenátusi választásra készülve tartotta egyik leghíresebb beszédét: "Az önmagával meghasonlott ház nem állhat fenn. Úgy hiszem, ez a kormányzat nem maradhat tartósan félig rabszolgatartó és félig szabad. Nem azt akarom, hogy az Unió felbomoljon- nem azt akarom, hogy a ház összedőljön-, de azt gondolom, meghasonlottsága meg fog szűnni. Vagy ilyen lesz egészen, vagy olyan."
Bár a szenátusi választáson vereséget szenvedett Douglasszel szemben, hét nyilvános vitájuk országszerte nagy figyelmet keltett, és ismertté tette Lincoln nevét. Douglas számára az önkormányzat elve volt az elsődleges. Úgy vélte, hogy ha a szabad amerikaiak rabszolgatartó államot kívánnak létrehozni, ebben senki sem akadályozhatja meg őket, mert a többségi uralomnak nincsenek korlátjai. Lincoln számára a rabszolgaság erkölcsi tűrhetetlensége volt az elsődleges szempont, s úgy vélte a többség sem veheti el egy kisebbségnek a Függetlenségi Nyilatkozatban megfogalmazott jogait "az élethez, a szabadsághoz és a boldogulásra való törekvéshez."
Megválasztása [szerkesztés]
1860-ban először Illinois republikánusai, majd a republikánusok országos elnökjelölő konvenciója is őt választotta meg a párt elnökjelöltjének. Ezt mérsékelt nyilatkozatainak, ügyes taktikai lépéseinek köszönhette, valamint annak, hogy a pártjának nem volt más jelöltje, aki a siker reményében indulhatott volna. Lincoln a népi szavazatok 40%-át kapta meg, de mivel a választás előtt a Demokrata Párt megoszlott, több jelöltet indított, s így egyik sem tudott elegendő szavazatot összegyűjteni, Lincoln pedig megszerezhette az elektori szavazatok többségét.
Első ciklusa [szerkesztés]
Mire az új elnök egy tervezett merénylet miatt meglehetősen dicstelenül szinte titokban megérkezett a fővárosba, hét állam már kilépett az Unióból, s megalapította az Amerikai Konföderált Államokat. Az új elnök nem támogatta a Crittenden szenátor nevéhez fűzödő kompromisszum tervét, amellyel Missouri déli határától délre szövetségi védelmet ígértek volna a rabszolgaságnak: ezt pártja programja nem tette lehetővé számára. Lincoln mégis békülékeny beszédet tartott hivatalba lépésének napján: "Elégedetlen honfitársaim, nem tőlem, hanem tőletek függ a polgárháború kérdése... Az emlékezet misztikus húrjai, amelyek ott feszülnek a csataterektől a hazafiak sírjától az élő szívekig, a családi tűzhelyekig, behálózva ezt a tágas országot, újult erővel fogják zengeni az Unió kórusát, ha- és én bizton hiszem ezt- a természetünkben lakozó jobb angyalok ismét megérintik azokat!" Úgy vélte azonban, hogy erre a "forradalomra" erkölcsileg igazolhatatatlan cél érdekében került sor, s neki kötelessége mindent megtenni az Unió egységének védelmében. A Dél-Karolina partjainál fekvő Sumter-erődöt nem volt hajlandó kiüríttetni, hanem élelmet küldött a blokád alá vont helyőrségnek, mire 1861. április 12-én a parti ütegek tüzet nyitottak az erődre, amely felett a csillagos-sávos lobogó lengett. Ezzel kezdetét vette az amerikai polgárháború.
Abraham Lincoln (Springfield, Illinois, 1860. augusztus 13.)
Lincolnnak sikerült elkerülnie, hogy ő tegye meg az első agresszív lépést, azt azonban nem tudta megakadályozni, hogy a „Felső-Dél”, vagyis Virginia, Észak-Karolina, Tennessee és Arkansas is csatlakozzék a Konföderációhoz. Az elnök ügyes, kibékítő, s ha kellett határozott intézkedéseinek köszönhetően a rabszolgatartó Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, és Missouri az Unió oldalán maradt, akárcsak a Virginiából kivált, s 1863-ban önálló állammá váló Nyugat-Virginia. Azt is ő akadályozta meg, hogy a brit-amerikai kapcsolatok elmérgesedjenek, miután egy amerikai hadihajó a nyílt tengeren megállította a Trent nevű angol gőzöst, és foglyul ejtette a Konföderáció Európába utazó diplomatáit. „Egyszerre csak egy háborút!”, jelentette ki, s a brit tiltakozás után szabadon engedte az elfogottakat.
Az 1862-es minnesotai sziú felkelés után Lincoln 303 halálra ítélt indián közül 265-nek megkegyelmezett, s ezért csak azokat végezték ki, akik gyilkosságot, vagy nemi erőszakot követtek el. Ez nem volt népszerű döntés. Egy szenátor figyelmeztette, ha több indiánt kivégeztet, nagyobb támogatást kap a Kongresszusban. Lincoln így válaszolt: „Nem akaszthatok fel embereket szavazatokért!” Ugyanígy megkegyelmezett a többi halálraítéltnek is, akiknek ítéletét eléje terjesztették.
Lincoln a saját feladatának tekintette a háború irányítását: ő jelentette be a Konföderáció tengerpartjának blokádját, ő terjesztette ki az önkéntesek szolgálati idejét, és ő növelte meg a hadsereg létszámát, holott mindez a Kongresszus feladata lett volna. A kémek, csempészek és ellenséges agitátorok miatt a személyes szabadságjogok egy részét is felfüggesztette, s lehetővé tette, hogy katonák tartóztassanak le olyan háborúellenes szónokokat, mint például a hírhedt Clement C. Vallandigham. A tiltakozóknak így felelt: „Agyon kell hát lövetnem egy egyszerű katonafiút, aki dezertál, és a haja szálát sem görbíthetem meg egy fortélyos agitátornak, aki dezertálásra buzdítja?”
A déliek távozása után a Kongresszus mindkét házában republikánus többség jött létre, s ez lehetővé tette több, régóta követelt törvény elfogadását, amit eddig a déliek meg tudtak akadályozni. A Morril-féle (1861), majd a késöbbi (1862, 1864) vámtörvények az ipar védelmében példátlan módon megemelték a vámokat. A telepestörvénnyel (Homestead Act, 1862) lehetővé tették, hogy minden farmer jelképes összeg fejében birtokba vehessen 160 acre (kb. 65 hektár) nyugati földet. A Morril-féle földadományozási törvény földeket juttatott az egyes államoknak mezőgazdasági és ipari iskolák létesítésére, s törvényt hoztak a transzkontinentális vasútvonal megépítéséről is (1862). Átalakították az adórendszert, létrehozták a nemzeti bankrendszert, s nemzeti papírpénzt adtak ki (1863). Bevezették a sorozást is, bár emiatt súlyos zavargások törtek ki New Yorkban. A háború jórészt a Konföderáció területein folyt, s ezért Észak és Nyugat fejlődése folytatódhatott: Nevada 1864-ben államként csatlakozhatott az Unióhoz.
A háború első két évében katonai sikerekre nem került sor, csak az államadósság és az adók növekedtek. 1862 elején az elnöknek kellett határozott paranccsal akcióra kényszeríteni a tábornokokat. Az óvatos Lincoln a republikánusok szemében túlságosan passzív, a demokraták szemében pedig túlságosan radikálisnak tűnt, emberségét és becsületességét elismerték, de nem tartották nagy politikusnak. Lincoln kénytelen volt nyilvános levelekben megindokolni politikai intézkedéseit. Sokáig azt hangoztatta, hogy a háború célja az Unió helyreállítása, s állami kárpótlást is ígért azoknak a rabszolgatartó északi vagy déli államoknak, amelyek törvényt hoztak a rabszolgaság fokozatos felszámolásáról. 1862 nyarán látta be, hogy a nagyobb külföldi és belföldi támogatás érdekében neki kell felszabadítani elnöki kiáltvánnyal a rabszolgákat (és azt sem akarta, hogy ezt a Kongresszus tegye meg helyette). Az első jelentősebb északi győzelem, az antietami csata (szeptember 17.) után jelentette be, hogy 1863. január elsejétől érvénybe lép a lázadók területein élő rabszolgákat felszabadító úgynevezett emancipációs nyilatkozata, amelyet a katonai szükségszerűségre hivatkozva tett közzé. „Egész életemben sohasem voltam biztosabb abban, hogy jó dolgot cselekszem, mint amikor aláírtam ezt az iratot!” jelentette ki. Ezután engedélyezte a feketékből felállított katonai egységek létrehozását is.
Miután 1862 novemberében leváltotta a keleti hadsereg túl sokat tétovázó és késlekedő parancsnokát, McClennan tábornokot, igen hosszan kereste azt a katonatisztet, aki aktív és határozott hadműveleteivel képes megsemmisíteni a Konföderáció hadseregét. Az Unió hadseregei számtalan kudarc és félsiker után csak 1863-ban értek el jelentősebb eredményeket és ezekkel a győzelmekkel biztosították, hogy az európai nagyhatalmak nem ismerték el önálló államnak a Konföderációt. A gettysburgi csatában (július 1-3.) sikerült súlyos csapást mérni a déli Lee tábornok Pennsylvaniáig hatoló hadseregére. Lincoln a katonák temetőjének felavatásakor mondta el híres gettysburgi beszédét, amelyben megfogalmazta, hogy nemcsak az alkotmányos szabadságért, hanem az emberi egyenlőséget képviselő rendszerért kell folytatni a polgárháborút: „Nyolcvanhét évvel ezelőtt atyáink új nemzetet hoztak létre e kontinensen, amely a szabadságban fogant, és ama elvnek szenteltetett, hogy minden ember egyenlő. Most nagy polgárháborút vívunk, amelyben eldől majd, hogy sokáig fennmaradhat-e a nemzet, és bármely más, hasonló módon létrejött és ilyen elveket valló nemzet... Magunkat kell itt ama nagy feladatnak szentelnünk, amely előttünk áll, e dicső halottak példája növelje meg ragaszkodásunkat azon ügyhöz, amelyért ők mindent feláldoztak, határozzuk el ünnepélyesen, hogy nem haltak meg hiába, hogy e nemzet Isten segedelmével újjá fog születni a szabadságban, s hogy a nép kormányzata, a nép által és népért létrejött kormányzat nem fog eltűnni a Föld színéről.”
Miután Grant tábornok Vicksburg elfoglalásával Mississippi utolsó déli kézen lévő erődjét is az Unió kezére juttatta (1863. július 4.) majd Chattanooga felmentésével (november 23-25.) megnyitotta a hadsereg útját Georgia fővárosa felé, Lincoln megtalálta személyében azt a főtisztet, akit évek óta keresett, és 1864 márciusában az Unió hadseregének főparancsnokának nevezte ki. Lincoln ekkor már kialakította elképzeléseit a déli államok rekontsrukciójáról: a Konföderáció főtisztviselőinek kivételével minden lázadónak kegyelmet akart adni, a rabszolgáktól eltekintve tulajdonuktól sem kívánta megfosztani őket, s azt tervezte hogy amikor az 1860-ban szavazati joggal rendelkező állampolgárok (vagyis a fehér férfiak) 10%-a hűségesküt tesz az Uniónak, államuk visszakapja önkormányzatát. Ezzel a programmal meg tudta szerezni mind a demokraták, mind a radikális és konzervatív politikusok támogatását.
A program végrehajtása érdekében azonban előbb meg kellett nyernie az 1864-es elnökválasztást. Lincoln hallani sem akart arról, hogy a választást a háborúra való tekintettel elhalasszák: „Választások nélkül nem lehet szabad kormányzatunk!” Győzelme érdekében nem volt hajlandó meggyorsítani az őt támogató Colorado és Nebraska állammá nyilvánítását, s nem rendelt el választásokat az északi megszállás alatt álló déli államokban sem. A békepárti demokraták fegyverszünetet követeltek, és McClellan tábornokot jelölték elnöknek, a háborúpárti demokraták pedig Nemzeti Unió Párt néven a republikánusokkal egyesülve Lincolnt jelölték, azzal a jelszóval, hogy a „Folyón való átkelés közben nem váltunk lovat!” A választás eredményét az döntötte el, hogy Sherman északi tábornok szeptember 4-én megüzenhette: elfoglalta Atlantát, Georgia fővárosát, az Unió flottája pedig megszállta a Konföderáció utolsó kikötőit is. Nyilvánvalóvá lett, hogy a háborút hamarosan meg fogják nyerni, s ezzel Andrew Jackson óta Lincoln vált az első elnökké, akit újraválasztottak. Amint ő is megfogalmazta: "Ezzel bebizonyosodott, hogy a nép kormánya fenn tudja tartani a választást egy nagy polgárháború közepette is. A világ idáig nem tudhatta, hogy ilyesmi lehetséges."
Második ciklusa [szerkesztés]
Év végi üzenetében támogatást kért a rabszolgaságot eltörlő, XIII. alkotmánykiegészítéshez, amelyre a Kongresszus 1865. február 1-jén tett javaslatot, s ez év decemberében lépett életbe. Lincoln ezt már nem érhette meg. Újraválasztásával megsokasodtak az erőszakos déli tervek, s merényletkísérletekre is sor került. Élete utolsó hetei örömteliek voltak: április 4-én ellátogathatott a Konföderáció elfoglalt fővárosába, Richmondba, ahol a volt rabszolgák megható ünneplésben részesítették, s öt nap múlva megtudta, hogy Lee tábornok Appomatoxnál letette a fegyvert. Nagylelkű békét kívánt kötni, s ezt mondta a főparancsnokoknak: „Hagyják, hogy megadják magukat és hazatérjenek otthonaikba, csak fegyvert ne fogjanak újra. Hadd menjenek valamennyien, a tisztek és a többiek is, én csak engedelmességet akarok, nem további vérontást... Senkit sem akarok megbüntetni, bánjanak velük minden szempontból liberálisan. Mi csak azt kívánjuk, hogy ezek az emberek újból az Unióhoz kötődjenek, és alávessék magukat törvényeinek.” Nem akarta radikálisan átalakítani a déli államok társadalmi rendszerét sem: azt tervezte, hogy egyelőre csak a műveltebb és a hadseregben harcoló feketék számára biztosít politikai jogokat.
A halálos lövés [szerkesztés]
John Wilkes Booth, miután Lincolnt lelőtte, kiugrott az elnöki páholyból, a színpadra zuhant és megsérült.Majd ezt mondta "Sic Semper Tyrannis". Mindenki láthatta, ki a merénylő, alig 3 nappal később rátaláltak és lelőtték. Az elnök felesége eleinte föl sem fogta, mi történt, azt hitte, Abe szunyókál. Miután kiderült, mi történt, az egész Ford színház (a merénylet helyszíne) kétségbeesett, és egy bizonyos Dr. Charles Leale néhány társával együtt, azon nyomban megvizsgálta az elnököt. Megállapították, hogy a golyó a bal füle és a koponyája között hatolt be, és a seb halálos. Négy katona átszállította az elnököt a színházzal szemben lévő épületbe, Petersonhoz, aki mellesleg katona volt, csak akkor nem teljesített szolgálatot. Fél 11-kor megkezdődött a virrasztás a haldokló felett, aki 1865. április 15-én belehalt sérülésébe.
Későbbi megítélése [szerkesztés]
Szerénysége, becsületessége, humora, embersége miatt, az Unió megvédelmezése, a rabszolgák felszabadítása, a demokratikus kormányzáshoz való ragaszkodása következtében, valamint drámai halálára való tekintettel az amerikai politikai kultúra egyik legnagyobb tiszteletnek örvendő, legendás személyiségévé vált.
Magánélete [szerkesztés]
Lincoln felesége, Mary Todd Lincoln elviselhetetlen nőszemély volt. Nem ismerte a határt sem anyagilag, sem érzelmileg. Előfordult, hogy egy hónap alatt 500 pár cipőt vett magának. Mindamellett jószívű asszony volt. Valahányszor ajándék érkezett a Fehér Házba - legyen az étel, ital - fölpakolta a kocsira, és a katonai kórházba hajtatott, ahol szétosztotta az „ajándékot” a sebesültek között. Négy gyermeke közül Abe Tadet dédelgette legjobban, aki farkastorokkal született, emiatt beszédhibás volt. Taden kívül senki - legyen az akár magas, akár alacsony beosztású személy - nem engedhette meg magának, hogy bocsánatkérés nélkül rontson be hivatalos ülésekre.
Elsőszülött gyermeke, Robert, jóvágású, bajuszos fiatalember volt. Lincolnnak két gyermeke halálát is meg kellett érnie. Edward Baker Lincoln alig négyéves korában halt meg, míg William Wallace Lincolnt, aki 50-ben született, a tífusz ragadta el 1862. február 20-án.
Felhasznált irodalom [szerkesztés]
* Hahner Péter: Az Egyesült Államok elnökei, Maecenas kiadó, 2006.
Elődök és utódok [szerkesztés]
Elődje:
James Buchanan Az Amerikai Egyesült Államok elnöke
1861. március 4. – 1865. április 15. Utódja:
Andrew Johnson
Külső hivatkozások [szerkesztés]
Commons
A Wikimédia Commons tartalmaz Abraham Lincoln témájú médiaállományokat.
* Életrajza a Fehér Ház honlapján
* Abraham Lincoln Research Site (eng)
* Abraham Lincoln Assassination (eng)
- Mensagens: 35428
- Registado: 5/11/2002 12:21
- Localização: Barlavento
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Enfin il faut mentionner Google Latitude, service auquel vous vous inscrivez en groupe, permettant de se géolocaliser les uns les autres grâce à son portable.
Et votre travail, votre disque dur : Google Desktop
Les plus fervents défenseurs de leur vie privée devraient se méfier de Google Desktop. Ce sont ces petits gadgets qu'on installe sur son bureau et qui permettent l'accès direct à des informations en ligne. Google Desktop indexe votre disque dur et permet donc d'en connaître le contenu par le menu.
Deuxième point : Google Docs. C'est la suite bureautique en ligne de Google, plutôt pratique il faut avouer : large capacité de stockage, possibilité de travailler sur des projets à plusieurs... Le contenu de vos documents Google docs est également accessible aux robots du géant du Net, tout comme votre agenda si vous l'y stockez.
Google lit Gmail et Twitter
Premier point, les robots de Google scannent le contenu de vos mails sur Gmail. Ils apprennent ainsi qui sont vos contacts, si vous leur parlez souvent et de quoi. Mais ce n'est pas tout : Google récupère vos contacts Google Voice, Google Buzz, mais aussi Twitter et FriendFeed. Mieux, Google étend aussi la collecte de vos amis, aux contacts de vos contacts. Discutions et réseaux sociaux sont un bon moyen pour le moteur de recherche de découvrir vos centres d'intérêt.
Sachez également que ce que vous dîtes publiquement sur n'importe quel réseau social ou forum peut être indexé par Google.
Toutes ces informations pour quoi faire ?
Google récupère toutes ces informations privées avant tout pour vendre des publicités ciblées (et donc plus chères). Si Google apprend que vous et vos amis adorez le football, vous aurez régulièrement de la publicité sur cette thématique. C'est pour cela que Google veut connaître vos centres d'intérêt, votre âge, votre niveau social, où vous vivez...
Ces informations permettent aussi à Google de vous rendre certains services, comme des recherches précises et rapides, adaptées à vos préférences, ou une synchronisation des services. Si vous êtes un utilisateur des services de Google, rendez-vous en mode connecté sur votre Dashboard pour avoir un aperçu de ce que Google sait sur vous.
Google,les gouvernements et la censure:
On se doute bien que les gouvernements ont voulu exiger un peu de cette mine d'informations. Et Google a récemment décidé de rendre un peu transparentes toutes ces demandes... On apprend ainsi que le gouvernement français réclame beaucoup d'informations à Google (1017 de janvier à juillet 2010) mais ne demande que très peu à retirer de contenu (dont YouTube), la majorité du temps la demande venant du tribunal.
D'autres pays, comme le Brésil, les Etats-Unis et bien sûr la Chine, font beaucoup plus de demandes de suppression de contenu. Le moteur de recherche est parfois soupçonné de censure orientée dans ces pays.
L'ingénieur de Google qui abusait de ces informations:
C'est une histoire récente, du mois de septembre 2010. Google confirmait dans un communiqué avoir surpris et licencié l'un de ses ingénieurs pour violation de vie privée. L'informaticien avait en effet usé de ses droits pour fouiller dans la vie d'un adolescent de 15 ans. Grâce aux logs Google Voice, il a trouvé les coordonnées (nom, téléphone...) de la petite amie du jeune homme et noué des liens avec. Il aurait également espionné les retranscriptions des conversations Google Talk des adolescents et fouillé dans de multiples comptes Gmail...
Google assure être vigilant pour éviter ce genre de mésaventures, mais c'est seulement après la plainte d'une des victimes que l'enquête a débuté, et s'est conclue sur le licenciement de l'ingénieur.
Un expert sur la collecte des informations par google:
Lors d'une Interview accordée à nos collègues du Journal du Net Solutions, l'expert en référencement David Degrelle a exprimé un avis fort instructif quant à la collecte des informations par Google :
"Les résultats proposés par Google sont personnalisés à partir des multiples données collectées par le moteur sur chaque utilisateur : requêtes les plus fréquentes, sites les plus visités, le tout sur ses différents services de recherche.
Google peut utiliser aussi les contacts Gmail, Google Buzz, mais également connaitre les personnes, via ses robots, avec qui vous êtes en contact à travers les réseaux sociaux publics tels que Twitter et FriendFeed. Il peut ainsi suivre les centres d'intérêt de vos amis pour personnaliser vos résultats. Si vous utilisez les Google Apps, il peut également exploiter des données personnelles liées à Google Agenda, Google Todo ou encore Google Sync - pour connaître votre marque de smartphone -, voire même les sites sur lesquels vous travaillez en matière de référencement dans le Google Wemaster Tools et Google Analytics".
http://www.linternaute.com/hightech/int ... ie-privee/
O meu contributo para este tópico

Ce que Google sait sur vous...
On donne beaucoup d'informations en ligne sans s'en rendre compte : qui on est, ce qu'on aime... Pour mieux le réaliser, décryptons ce que Google peut savoir sur vous.
On a tous remarqué que Google ciblait ses publicités selon nos recherches, basées sur les mots clés. On le voit sur les pubs à droite, mais aussi sur tous les sites utilisant le service Adsense (les pubs de Google).
C'est donc le premier point, Google conserve les requêtes. En mode connecté, le moteur de recherche associe ces mots clés avec d'autres informations pour constituer un véritable profil.
Google sait où vous êtes allé
Google connaît aussi votre historique et l'utilise. La preuve : sur l'image ci-contre, en tapant la recherche high tech, l'Internaute High Tech est en deuxième position en tenant compte de l'historique du PC de la rédaction (il est logiquement très fréquenté). Notre site se retrouve 7 places plus bas en faisant une recherche anonyme. Ajoutez ce bout de code là : "&pws=0" à la fin de l'URL de la recherche, pour que Google ne prenne pas en compte votre historique.
A savoir que si vous utilisez le navigateur Chrome ou sa barre d'outil (Toolbar), Google sait toutes les pages que vous visitez. Y compris les formulaires que vous remplissez, un bon moyen pour simplement remplir les cases nom / adresse de votre profil.
Google connaît les lieux que vous fréquentez
Google ne peut pas savoir directement où est votre PC. Votre adresse IP, jalousement gardée par votre FAI, vous protège. Mais en a-t-il vraiment besoin ?
Vos recherches via Google Maps et les formulaires remplis le renseignent. C'est également une information que vous donnez si vous avez un compte AdSense ou AdWords.
Mais si vous avez un smartphone et que vous utilisez la géolocalisation (pour Google Maps), c'est encore plus simple puisque cela permet de connaitre la position de votre portable. Et en utilisant Google Sync, Google connait la marque et le modèle de votre smartphone.
Enfin il faut mentionner Google Latitude, service auquel vous vous inscrivez en groupe, permettant de se géolocaliser les uns les autres grâce à son portable.
Et votre travail, votre disque dur : Google Desktop
Les plus fervents défenseurs de leur vie privée devraient se méfier de Google Desktop. Ce sont ces petits gadgets qu'on installe sur son bureau et qui permettent l'accès direct à des informations en ligne. Google Desktop indexe votre disque dur et permet donc d'en connaître le contenu par le menu.
Deuxième point : Google Docs. C'est la suite bureautique en ligne de Google, plutôt pratique il faut avouer : large capacité de stockage, possibilité de travailler sur des projets à plusieurs... Le contenu de vos documents Google docs est également accessible aux robots du géant du Net, tout comme votre agenda si vous l'y stockez.
Google lit Gmail et Twitter
Premier point, les robots de Google scannent le contenu de vos mails sur Gmail. Ils apprennent ainsi qui sont vos contacts, si vous leur parlez souvent et de quoi. Mais ce n'est pas tout : Google récupère vos contacts Google Voice, Google Buzz, mais aussi Twitter et FriendFeed. Mieux, Google étend aussi la collecte de vos amis, aux contacts de vos contacts. Discutions et réseaux sociaux sont un bon moyen pour le moteur de recherche de découvrir vos centres d'intérêt.
Sachez également que ce que vous dîtes publiquement sur n'importe quel réseau social ou forum peut être indexé par Google.
Toutes ces informations pour quoi faire ?
Google récupère toutes ces informations privées avant tout pour vendre des publicités ciblées (et donc plus chères). Si Google apprend que vous et vos amis adorez le football, vous aurez régulièrement de la publicité sur cette thématique. C'est pour cela que Google veut connaître vos centres d'intérêt, votre âge, votre niveau social, où vous vivez...
Ces informations permettent aussi à Google de vous rendre certains services, comme des recherches précises et rapides, adaptées à vos préférences, ou une synchronisation des services. Si vous êtes un utilisateur des services de Google, rendez-vous en mode connecté sur votre Dashboard pour avoir un aperçu de ce que Google sait sur vous.
Google,les gouvernements et la censure:
On se doute bien que les gouvernements ont voulu exiger un peu de cette mine d'informations. Et Google a récemment décidé de rendre un peu transparentes toutes ces demandes... On apprend ainsi que le gouvernement français réclame beaucoup d'informations à Google (1017 de janvier à juillet 2010) mais ne demande que très peu à retirer de contenu (dont YouTube), la majorité du temps la demande venant du tribunal.
D'autres pays, comme le Brésil, les Etats-Unis et bien sûr la Chine, font beaucoup plus de demandes de suppression de contenu. Le moteur de recherche est parfois soupçonné de censure orientée dans ces pays.
L'ingénieur de Google qui abusait de ces informations:
C'est une histoire récente, du mois de septembre 2010. Google confirmait dans un communiqué avoir surpris et licencié l'un de ses ingénieurs pour violation de vie privée. L'informaticien avait en effet usé de ses droits pour fouiller dans la vie d'un adolescent de 15 ans. Grâce aux logs Google Voice, il a trouvé les coordonnées (nom, téléphone...) de la petite amie du jeune homme et noué des liens avec. Il aurait également espionné les retranscriptions des conversations Google Talk des adolescents et fouillé dans de multiples comptes Gmail...
Google assure être vigilant pour éviter ce genre de mésaventures, mais c'est seulement après la plainte d'une des victimes que l'enquête a débuté, et s'est conclue sur le licenciement de l'ingénieur.
Un expert sur la collecte des informations par google:
Lors d'une Interview accordée à nos collègues du Journal du Net Solutions, l'expert en référencement David Degrelle a exprimé un avis fort instructif quant à la collecte des informations par Google :
"Les résultats proposés par Google sont personnalisés à partir des multiples données collectées par le moteur sur chaque utilisateur : requêtes les plus fréquentes, sites les plus visités, le tout sur ses différents services de recherche.
Google peut utiliser aussi les contacts Gmail, Google Buzz, mais également connaitre les personnes, via ses robots, avec qui vous êtes en contact à travers les réseaux sociaux publics tels que Twitter et FriendFeed. Il peut ainsi suivre les centres d'intérêt de vos amis pour personnaliser vos résultats. Si vous utilisez les Google Apps, il peut également exploiter des données personnelles liées à Google Agenda, Google Todo ou encore Google Sync - pour connaître votre marque de smartphone -, voire même les sites sur lesquels vous travaillez en matière de référencement dans le Google Wemaster Tools et Google Analytics".
http://www.linternaute.com/hightech/int ... ie-privee/
Elias Escreveu:AutoMech Escreveu:Vocês no blá blá blá
blá blá blá
blá blá blá
e eu ainda sem saber se o homem foi ou não à lua.
epá, vamos lá por partes: que lua é essa a que fazes referência?
Claro que é a Titan (não querias que fosse a lua normal, não é ?). Isto porque no outro dia um taxista disse-me que um primo dele conhece um gajo na NASA que já lá tinha ido.
Esta tópico está a ficar melhor do que o prá descontra

romeu59 Escreveu:
para fazer delas criaturas dóceis, facilmente amoldáveis, sem caráter, prontas a aderir entusiasticamente, sem discussão, a qualquer nova palavra-de-ordem que a elite global julgue útil aos seus objetivos.
Só para que não digas que a malta está só a gozar...
Uma visita a uma escola mostra exactamente o contrário. Fruto da falta de autoridade, o sistema educativo hoje cria bandos de indisciplinados, gente com pouco entusiasmo, que não aceita criticas nem sugestões e tudo menos dóceis.
E ainda não respondeste à minha pergunta original. Acreditas ou não que o homem foi à lua ? Se não respondes (ou respondes sem responder) não podes esperar grande colaboração do pessoal...
Elias Escreveu:zecatreca Escreveu:Elias Escreveu:Abraham Lincoln
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
wowwww...ohhh Elias...please...tu tambem? isso é contagioso?
Si tivesses lido o meu tópico até ao fim não tinhas necessidade de fazer essa pergunta
Ups....por acaso so li agora. Apenas porque li esta ultima frase e apanhou o texto de cima. LOL

Abraham lincoln (cont.)
In March 1861 in his famous First Inaugural Address, Lincoln explored the nature of democracy. He denounced secession as anarchy, and explained that majority rule had to be balanced by constitutional restraints in the American system:
"A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people."[202]
In his 1863 Gettysburg Address, Lincoln explained that the Civil War had a deep meaning, for it marked a new founding of the nation. He argued that it was born not in 1789 but in 1776, "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal". He declared that the sacrifices of battle had rededicated the nation to the deepest values of liberty, democracy and equality, "that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth".[203]
Domestic measures
Lincoln adhered to the Whig theory of the presidency, which gave Congress primary responsibility for writing the laws while the Executive enforced them. Lincoln only vetoed four bills passed by Congress; the only important one was the Wade-Davis Bill with its harsh program of Reconstruction.[204] Thus, he signed the Homestead Act in 1862, making millions of acres of government-held land in the West available for purchase at very low cost. The Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act, also signed in 1862, provided government grants for state agricultural colleges in each state. The Pacific Railway Acts of 1862 and 1864 granted federal support for the construction of the United States' First Transcontinental Railroad, which was completed in 1869.[205] The passage of the Homestead Act and the Pacific Railway Acts was made possible by the absence of Southern congressmen and senators who had opposed the measures in the 1850s.[206]
Other important legislation involved two measures to raise revenues for the Federal government: tariffs (a policy with long precedent), and a Federal income tax (which was new). In 1861, Lincoln signed the second and third Morrill Tariff (the first had become law under James Buchanan). In 1861, Lincoln signed the Revenue Act of 1861 creating the first U.S. income tax.[207] This created a flat tax of 3% on incomes above $800 ($19,307 in current dollars), which was later changed by the Revenue Act of 1862 to a progressive rate structure.[208]
Lincoln also presided over the expansion of the federal government's economic influence in several other areas. The creation of the system of national banks by the National Banking Acts of 1863, 1864, and 1865 provided a strong financial network in the country. In 1862, Congress created, with Lincoln's approval, the Department of Agriculture, although that institution would not become a Cabinet-level department until 1889. The Legal Tender Act of 1862 established the United States Note, the first paper currency in United States history since the Continentals that were issued during the Revolution. This was done to increase the money supply to pay for fighting the war.[207] In 1862, Lincoln sent a senior general, John Pope, to put down the "Sioux Uprising" in Minnesota. Presented with 303 death warrants for convicted Santee Dakota who were accused of killing innocent farmers, Lincoln conducted his own personal review of each of these warrants, eventually approving 39 for execution (one was later reprieved).[209]
In the wake of Grant's casualties in his campaign against Lee, Lincoln had considered yet another executive call for a military draft, but it was never issued. In response to rumors of one however, the editors of the New York World and the Journal of Commerce published a bogus draft proclamation which created an opportunity for the editors and others employed at the publications to corner the gold market. Lincoln's reaction was to send the strongest of messages to the media about such behavior; he ordered the military to seize the two papers; the seizure lasted for two days.[210]
Abraham Lincoln is largely responsible for the institution of the Thanksgiving holiday in the United States. Prior to Lincoln's presidency, Thanksgiving, while a regional holiday in New England since the 17th century, had only been proclaimed by the federal government sporadically, and on irregular dates. The last such proclamation was during James Madison's presidency 50 years before. In 1863, Lincoln declared the final Thursday in November to be a day of Thanksgiving, and the holiday has been celebrated annually then ever since.[211]
Administration, cabinet and Supreme Court appointments 1861–1865
Lincoln appointed the following Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States:[212]
Judge↓ Nominated↓ Confirmed↓
Noah Haynes Swayne 18620127January 21, 1862 18810124January 24, 1862
Samuel Freeman Miller 18620721July 16, 1862 18901013July 16, 1862
David Davis 18621210December 1, 1862 18770304December 8, 1862
Stephen Johnson Field 18630520March 6, 1863 18971201March 10, 1863
Salmon P. Chase 18641215December 6, 1864 18730507December 6, 1864
The Lincoln Cabinet[213][214]
OFFICE NAME TERM
President Abraham Lincoln 1861–1865
Vice President Hannibal Hamlin 1861–1865
Andrew Johnson 1865
State William H. Seward 1861–1865
War Simon Cameron 1861–1862
Edwin M. Stanton 1862–1865
Treasury Salmon P. Chase 1861–1864
William P. Fessenden 1864–1865
Hugh McCulloch 1865
Justice Edward Bates 1861–1864
James Speed 1864–1865
Post Montgomery Blair 1861–1864
William Dennison, Jr. 1864–1865
Navy Gideon Welles 1861–1865
Interior Caleb B. Smith 1861–1862
John P. Usher 1863–1865
States admitted to the Union
* West Virginia – June 20, 1863
* Nevada – October 31, 1864
Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Abraham Lincoln
Further information: Abraham Lincoln's burial and exhumation
A drawing of Lincoln being shot by Booth while sitting in a theater booth.
Assassination of Abraham Lincoln. From left to right: Henry Rathbone, Clara Harris, Mary Todd Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln and John Wilkes Booth
Originally, John Wilkes Booth, a well-known actor and a Confederate spy from Maryland, had formulated a plan to kidnap Lincoln in exchange for the release of Confederate prisoners. After attending an April 11 speech in which Lincoln promoted voting rights for blacks, an incensed Booth changed his plans and became determined to assassinate the president.[215] Learning that the President and First Lady would be attending Ford's Theatre, he laid his plans, assigning his co-conspirators to assassinate Vice President Andrew Johnson and Secretary of State William H. Seward. Without his main bodyguard Ward Hill Lamon, to whom he related his famous dream regarding his own assassination, Lincoln left to attend the play, Our American Cousin, on April 14, 1865.[216]
A 15 cent postage stamp depicting Lincoln with a beard.
On April 14, 1866, one year to the day after Lincoln's assassination, the U.S. Post Office issued its first postage stamp honoring the fallen President
As a lone bodyguard wandered, and Lincoln sat in his state box in the balcony, Booth crept up behind the President and waited for what he thought would be the funniest line of the play ("You sock-dologizing old man-trap"), hoping the laughter would muffle the noise of the gunshot. When the laughter began, Booth jumped into the box and aimed a single-shot, round-ball .44 caliber (11 mm) Deringer at his head, firing at point-blank range. Major Henry Rathbone momentarily grappled with Booth but Booth escaped; he was tracked down by the Army on April 26 and killed.
A steam engine with railroad workers standing in front of it.
Lincoln's funeral train carried his remains, as well as 300 mourners and the casket of his son, William, 1,654 miles (2,662 km) to Illinois
An army surgeon, Doctor Charles Leale, initially assessed Lincoln's wound as mortal. The dying man was taken across the street to Petersen House. After being in a coma for nine hours, Lincoln died at 7:22 A.M on April 15. Presbyterian minister Phineas Densmore Gurley then present was asked to offer a prayer, after which Secretary of War Stanton saluted and said, "Now he belongs to the ages."[217]
Religious and philosophical beliefs
Further information: Abraham Lincoln and religion
A painting of Lincoln sitting with his hand on his chin and his elbow on his leg.
Lincoln painted by George Peter Alexander Healy in 1869
Though he never joined a church, Lincoln was thoroughly familiar with the Bible and quoted it often. He held the strong belief in a Providence whose purposes were not discernable. His integration of religion and politics, according to historian Mark Noll, gives Lincoln enduring relevance as the nation's greatest public theologian.[218] Historians have debated whether Lincoln's frequent use of religious imagery and language reflected his own personal beliefs or was a device to appeal to his audiences, which were mostly comprised of evangelical Protestants.[219] In recent decades some scholars have emphasized Lincoln's ongoing religious skepticism while others have argued his beliefs evolved during the 1850s and gravitated toward an acceptance of mainstream evangelical Protestantism during the Civil War.[220] In the 1850s Lincoln acknowledged "providence" in a general way, and rarely used the language or imagery of the evangelicals; instead he regarded the republicanism of the Founding Fathers with an almost religious reverence. However, during the course of the Civil War (and the deaths of his children) Lincoln more and more often acknowledged his own need to depend on God and to seek to fulfill what he perceived to be God's purposes in the war, including the emancipation of slaves.[221] In particular historians have seen Lincoln's second inaugural address in terms of the tradition of the Puritan sermon. Lincoln drew on biblical concepts and rhetoric to expose the nation's errors, notably the national sin of slavery for which the prolonged punishment of the Civil War was God's judgment and punishment. Continuing in the jeremiad tradition, he prayed for an end to the war, called for forgiveness, and expressed hope for divine grace.[222]
Lincoln's theology, according to biographer James G. Randall, resembled Unitarianism. He felt that all men would go to heaven and no one would go to hell. He did not believe in the supernatural account of the birth of Christ. He often talked of God, but rarely mentioned Jesus as the Savior—indeed seldom mentioned Jesus at all. Many of his ancestors had been Quakers, and he deeply sympathized with their religion. Like many Quakers, he experienced a sense of mysticism, the sense of direct communication with the unseen. He was involved in several séances at the White House, sponsored by his wife, but did not take himself become a spiritualist. Lincoln had numerous superstitious beliefs, and sensed that his dreams were omens of the future; throughout his life he had a strongly fatalistic attitude. He saw himself as an instrument in the hands of God—thereby becoming in Randall's view, "a man of more intense religiosity than any other President of the United States.".[223]
As a child, Lincoln largely rejected organized religion, but the Calvinistic "doctrine of necessity" would remain a factor throughout his life. In 1846, Lincoln described the effect of this doctrine as "that the human mind is impelled to action, or held in rest by some power, over which the mind itself has no control".[224] There were few people who strongly or directly influenced Lincoln's moral and intellectual development and perspectives. There was no teacher, mentor, church leader, community leader, or peer that Lincoln would credit in later years as a strong influence on his intellectual development. Lacking a formal education, Lincoln's personal philosophy was shaped by "an amazingly retentive memory and a passion for reading and learning". It was Lincoln's reading, rather than his relationships, that were most influential in shaping his personal beliefs.[225][226]
Lincoln's religious skepticism was for a time fueled by his readings in Enlightenment and economic liberalism.[225] Consistent with the common practice of the Whig party, Lincoln would often use the Declaration of Independence as the philosophical and moral expression of these two philosophies.[227] In March 1860, in a speech in New Haven, Connecticut, Lincoln said, regarding slavery, "Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical public opinion can be permanently maintained." The philosophical basis for Lincoln's beliefs regarding slavery and other issues of the day require that Lincoln be examined "seriously as a man of ideas".[228]
In a February 22, 1861, speech at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Lincoln said,
I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. ...It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from the motherland; but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.[229]
He found in the Declaration, justification for Whig economic policy and opposition to territorial expansion and the nativist platform of the Know Nothings. In claiming that all men were created free, Lincoln and the Whigs argued that this freedom required economic advancement, expanded education, territory to grow, and the ability of the nation to absorb the growing immigrant population.[230] It was the Declaration of Independence more than the Bible that Lincoln relied on specifically to oppose any further territorial expansion of slavery. He saw the Declaration as more than a political document. To him, as well as to many abolitionists and other antislavery leaders, it was, foremost, a moral document that had forever determined valuable principles for the future shaping of the nation.[231]
As Lincoln matured, and especially during his term as president, the idea of a divine will, somehow interacting with human affairs, increasingly influenced his beliefs and public expressions. On a personal level, the death of his son Willie in February 1862, caused Lincoln to look towards religion for answers and solace.[232] More than any political leader of the day he fashioned public policy into the mold of religious language, especially a kind of Old School Calvinism that avoided the evangelical, revivalistic fervor of the Second Great Awakening.[228] After Willie's death, in the summer or early fall of 1862, Lincoln attempted to put on paper his private thoughts on why, from a divine standpoint, the severity of the war was necessary:
The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be, wrong. God cannot be for and against the same thing at the same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party—and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect his purpose. I am almost ready to say this is probably true—that God wills this contest, and wills that it shall not end yet. By his mere quiet power, on the minds of the now contestants, He could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And having begun He could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds.[233]
In April 1864, in justifying his actions regarding Emancipation, Lincoln wrote, "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years struggle the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it."[234] In the difficult summer of 1864, when the Union Army was suffering severe casualties, Lincoln drew solace from the Bible. To his friend Joshua Speed, he said, "Take all of this book [the Bible] upon reason that you can, and the balance on faith, and you will live and die a happier and better man." He is also quoted as saying, "this Great Book...is the best gift God has given to man".[234]
In September 1864, Lincoln, placing the war squarely within a divine province, wrote in a letter to a member of the Society of Friends, "The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail accurately to perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long before this; but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise...we must work earnestly in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working still conduces to the great ends He ordains. Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay."[235]
Legacy and memorials
Further information: Cultural depictions of Abraham Lincoln
An aerial photo a large white building with big pillars.
Lincoln Memorial in Washington
Lincoln's death made the President a national martyr ,[236] He is regarded by the public and historians in numerous polls as among the greatest presidents in U.S. history, usually in the top three, along with George Washington and Franklin D. Roosevelt.[237] A study published in 2004, found that scholars in the fields of history and politics ranked Lincoln number one, while law scholars placed him second after Washington.[238]
The ballistic missile submarine Abraham Lincoln (SSBN-602) and the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) were named in his honor.[239] During the Spanish Civil War, the Communist-controlled American faction of the International Brigades named themselves the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.[240] Lincoln has been memorialized in many town, city, and county names,[241] including the capital of Nebraska.[242] Lincoln, Illinois, is the only city to be named for Abraham Lincoln before he became President.[243]
A drawing of George Washington hugging Lincoln in the clouds with angels in the background.
The Apotheosis of Abraham Lincoln, greeted by George Washington in heaven (an 1860s work)
Lincoln's name and image appear in numerous places. These include the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.,[242] the U.S. Lincoln $5 bill and the Lincoln cent, and Lincoln's sculpture on Mount Rushmore.[citation needed] Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historical Park in Hodgenville, Kentucky,[244] Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial in Lincoln City, Indiana,[245] and Lincoln Home National Historic Site in Springfield, Illinois,[246] commemorate the president.[247] In addition, New Salem, Illinois (a reconstruction of Lincoln's early adult hometown),[248] Ford's Theatre, and Petersen House (where he died) are all preserved as museums.[249] The Lincoln Tomb in Oak Ridge Cemetery in Springfield, Illinois, contains his remains, and well as the remains of his wife and three of his four sons.[250] There are 220 statues displayed outdoors of Lincoln.[251]
Abraham Lincoln's birthday, February 12, was never a national holiday, but it was observed by 30 states.[241] In 1971, Presidents Day became a national holiday, combining Lincoln's and Washington's birthdays, and replacing most states' celebration of his birthday.[252] As of 2005, Lincoln's Birthday is a legal holiday in 10 states.[253] The Abraham Lincoln Association was formed in 1908 to commemorate the centennial of Lincoln's birth.[254] The Association is now the oldest group dedicated to the study of Lincoln.[255]
Lincoln is the only U.S. President ever to be honored on a U.S. Airmail stamp, issued in 1960.[256][citation needed]
To commemorate his 200th birthday in February 2009, Congress established the Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission (ALBC) in 2000 to honor Lincoln.[257] The Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum is located in Springfield and is run by the State of Illinois.[258] Also, the United States Postal Service honored Lincoln with a Liberty Issue 4¢ postage stamp on November 19, 1954, and a Prominent Americans series (1965–1978) 4¢ postage stamp.[259]
See also
Book:Abraham Lincoln
Books are collections of articles that can be downloaded or ordered in print.
American Civil War portal
Military of the United States portal
* Bibliography of Abraham Lincoln
* American School, Lincoln's economic views.
* Electoral history of Abraham Lincoln
* Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial
* Lincoln Kennedy coincidences urban legend
* Lincoln Memorial University
* Lincoln family tree
* John T. Morse's 2-volume biography of Lincoln
* Poetry of Abraham Lincoln
* Sexuality of Abraham Lincoln
References
Footnotes
1. ^ Goodwin, p. 91; Holzer, p. 232.
2. ^ Larry Tagg, The Unpopular Mr. Lincoln: The Story of America's Most Reviled President (2009)
3. ^ James G. Randall, "The Unpopular Mr. Lincoln," in Randall, Lincoln: The Liberal Statesman (1947) pp 65–87
4. ^ Harold Holzer "Lincoln the Orator," American Heritage, Winter 2009.
5. ^ Thornton, p. 101
6. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 20–22
7. ^ Donald (1996), p. 20
8. ^ White, p. 12, 13
9. ^ Donald (1996), p. 21
10. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 22–24
11. ^ Lamb, p. 189.
12. ^ Sandburg p. 20
13. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 26–27
14. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 30–33
15. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 28, 152
16. ^ Donald (1996), p. 36
17. ^ Benjamin Thomas, Abraham Lincoln (1952) pp 23-53
18. ^ Sandburg, pp. 22–23
19. ^ Donald (1996), p. 38–43
20. ^ White, pp. 25, 31, 47.
21. ^ Donald (1996), p.33
22. ^ Sandberg (1926), p. 10.
23. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 55–58
24. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69; Thomas, pp. 56–57, 69–70.
25. ^ Lamb, p. 43.
26. ^ a b Sandburg, pp. 46–48.
27. ^ Donald (1996), p. 86
28. ^ Sandburg, pp. 50–51.
29. ^ Donald (1996), p. 93
30. ^ White, p. 125.
31. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 95–96
32. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 108
33. ^ White, p. 126.
34. ^ Baker, p. 120.
35. ^ White, p. 179.
36. ^ White, pp. 181, 476.
37. ^ White, p. 181.
38. ^ Emerson, Jason (June/July 2006). "The Madness of Mary Lincoln". American Heritage. http://www.americanheritage.com/people/ ... iage.shtml. Retrieved 2009-09-03.
39. ^ Shenk, Joshua Wolf (October 2005). "Lincoln's Great Depression". The Atlantic. http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200510/l ... depression. Retrieved 2009-10-08.
40. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 41–42.
41. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 43–46.
42. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 50–51.
43. ^ White, p. 59.
44. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 53–55.
45. ^ Lincoln (1992), p. 17.
46. ^ White, pp. 71, 79, 108.
47. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69, pp. 100–101.
48. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69 pp. 75, 121.
49. ^ Donald (1996), p 59.
50. ^ Paul Simon, Lincoln's preparation for greatness: the Illinois legislative years (1989) p 130
51. ^ Thomas, Lincoln p. 64; Basler, ed. Collected Works vol 1 p 75
52. ^ Donald p. 134
53. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 165–167.
54. ^ Guelzo, p. 63.
55. ^ Boritt, Gabor S. (1978). Lincoln and the Economics of the American Dream.
56. ^ White, p. 135.
57. ^ Oates, p. 79.
58. ^ Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency (2007) p. 54
59. ^ Heidler, pp. 181–182.
60. ^ Oates, pp. 79–80.
61. ^ a b Basler (ed.) 2001, pp. 199–202.
62. ^ McGovern, p. 33.
63. ^ Basler (ed.) 2001, p. 202.
64. ^ Mueller, Jean West; Wynell B. Schamel. "Teaching With Documents: Lincoln's Spot Resolutions". National Archives. http://www.archives.gov/education/lesso ... solutions/. Retrieved 2009-09-26.
65. ^ Donald (1996), p. 126.
66. ^ Donald (1996) p. 128-129
67. ^ Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency pp 55-57
68. ^ Donald (1996), p. 96
69. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 105–106, 158.
70. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 142–143, 156, 157
71. ^ "Abraham Lincoln's Patent Model: Improvement for Buoying Vessels Over Shoals". National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution. http://americanhistory.si.edu/collectio ... &objkey=19. Retrieved 2008-06-17.
72. ^ Thornton, pp. 100–101.
73. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 155.
74. ^ Dirck, p. 92.
75. ^ Handy (1917), p.440
76. ^ a b c Donald (1996), pp. 150–151.
77. ^ Harrison (1935), pp. 269, 286
78. ^ McGovern, pp. 36–37.
79. ^ Benjamin Thomas, Abraham Lincoln: A Biography (1952) pp 148-52
80. ^ White, p. 199.
81. ^ Basler (1953), p. 255.
82. ^ Oates, p. 119.
83. ^ White, pp. 205–208.
84. ^ McGovern, pp. 38–39.
85. ^ Donald (1996), p. 193.
86. ^ Oates, pp. 138–139.
87. ^ Donald (1996), p. 202.
88. ^ White, p. 251.
89. ^ Donald (1996), p. 205
90. ^ Harris, p. 98.
91. ^ McPherson (1993), p. 182.
92. ^ Donald, p. 214-224
93. ^ Carwardine, p. 89-90
94. ^ Donald, p. 242, 412
95. ^ See text of speech
96. ^ Carwardine, p. 97;Holzer, p. 157.
97. ^ Donald, p. 240
98. ^ Donald, p. 241
99. ^ Donald (1996), p. 244.
100. ^ Oates, pp. 175–176.
101. ^ Donald (1996), p. 245
102. ^ Sandburg, pp. 118–119.
103. ^ Donald (1996), p. 247-250
104. ^ Boritt 1997, p. 10.
105. ^ Boritt 1997, pp. 13, 18.
106. ^ Nevins (1950), pp. 261–272.
107. ^ Donald (1996), p. 254-255
108. ^ Donald (1996), p. 256
109. ^ Nevins (1950), pp. 277, 290, 298–305; Luthin, pp. 171, 197–198, 202–203, 210, 218.
110. ^ Mansch, p. 61.
111. ^ Harris, p. 243.
112. ^ White, p. 350.
113. ^ Nevins (1950), p. 312
114. ^ Edgar (1998), p. 350
115. ^ a b c Donald (1996), p. 267.
116. ^ Potter, p. 498.
117. ^ White, p. 362.
118. ^ Potter, pp. 520, 569–570.
119. ^ White, pp. 360–361.
120. ^ Donald (1996), p. 268.
121. ^ Vorenberg, p. 22.
122. ^ "Abraham Lincoln and the Corwin Amendment". Illinois Periodicals Online. http://www.lib.niu.edu/2006/ih060934.html. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
123. ^ Donald (1996), p. 277-279.
124. ^ Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (1950) 2:458-62
125. ^ White, p. 369.
126. ^ Donald (2001), p. 268, 279.
127. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 293.
128. ^ Donald p. 292
129. ^ Nevins (2000), p. 29.
130. ^ Sherman (1990) p. 185-186
131. ^ a b Oates, p. 226
132. ^ Donald (1996) p.302.
133. ^ Heidler 2000, p. 174
134. ^ Donald (2001), p. 304.
135. ^ Neely, p. 253, n. 7.
136. ^ Donald (1996), p. 315, 338–339
137. ^ Donald (1996), p. 331-333, 417.
138. ^ Donald (1996), p. 315-316
139. ^ Charles Francis Adams, "The Trent Affair," American Historical Review Vol. 17, No. 3 (Apr., 1912), pp. 540–562 in JSTOR
140. ^ Donald (1996), p. 322
141. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 325–326
142. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 295–296
143. ^ Donald, pp. 391, 392
144. ^ Donald, pp. 432–436
145. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 318–319
146. ^ Donald (1996), p. 349-352
147. ^ Donald (1996), p. 360, 361
148. ^ Nevins 1960, p. 2:159–62
149. ^ Donald (1996), p. 339-340
150. ^ Goodwin, p. 478, 479
151. ^ Goodwin, pp. 478–480.
152. ^ Goodwin, p. 481
153. ^ Donald (1996), p. 389-390
154. ^ Allan Nevins, The War for the Union: Volume II, War becomes Revolution (1960), pp 343–67
155. ^ Nevins (1960) 2:318-22, quote on p 322
156. ^ Donald (1996), p. 422-423
157. ^ Nevins 1960, pp. 2:432–50
158. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 444–447.
159. ^ Donald (1996), p.449-452
160. ^ Donald (1996), p.453-460
161. ^ "Introduction to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address". InfoUSA. United States Department of State. Archived from the original on 2007-08-13. http://web.archive.org/web/200708132342 ... rac/25.htm. Retrieved 2007-11-30.
162. ^ Donald (1996), p.462
163. ^ Donald (1996), p. 446.
164. ^ Thomas, p. 315.
165. ^ Nevins (2000) (Vol. IV), pp. 6–17.
166. ^ Donald (1996), p. 490-492
167. ^ McPherson (2009), p. 113.
168. ^ Donald (1996), p. 501
169. ^ Kloss, William. "The Peacemakers". White House Historical Association. http://www.whitehousehistory.org/whha_a ... rt-06.html. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
170. ^ Thomas, pp. 422–424.
171. ^ Neely, Jr., Mark E. (December 2004). "Was the Civil War a Total War?". Civil War History 50 (4): 434–458. doi:10.1353/cwh.2004.0073.
172. ^ Thomas, p. 434.
173. ^ Donald (1996), p. 516-518
174. ^ Donald (1996), p. 565
175. ^ White, p. 668
176. ^ Mackubin Thomas Owens (March 8, 2004). "Mackubin Thomas Owens on Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America on National Review Online". National Review. http://www.nationalreview.com/books/owe ... 251139.asp. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
177. ^ Donald, pp. 364, 365
178. ^ Donald (1996), p. 368.
179. ^ Donald (1996), p. 407.
180. ^ Nevins (1960), 2:239-40.
181. ^ Donald (1996), p. 396-398.
182. ^ Donald (1996), p. 555.
183. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 430–431.
184. ^ Donald (1996), p. 431.
185. ^ Kendrick, Paul and Stephen. "Lincoln & Douglass". American Heritage. http://www.americanheritage.com/article ... 6_36.shtml. Retrieved 12 September 2010.
186. ^ Donald (1996), p.493-507
187. ^ Grimsley, p. 80.
188. ^ Basler (1953), p. 514.
189. ^ Donald (1996), p.531
190. ^ J. G. Randall and Richard Current, Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (1955) p. 307
191. ^ Phillip Shaw Paludan, The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln (University Press of Kansas, 1994) pp 274–293
192. ^ Basler (1953), p. 333.
193. ^ Donald (1996), p. 568
194. ^ Donald, pp. 471–472
195. ^ Donald (1996), pp.485–486
196. ^ Nevins, War for the Union 4:206; Randall and Current, Lincoln the President 4:273
197. ^ Thomas, Abraham Lincoln p 512
198. ^ Jaffa, p. 399.
199. ^ Diggins, p. 307.
200. ^ Foner, p. 215.
201. ^ Jaffa, p. 263.
202. ^ Herman Belz, Abraham Lincoln, constitutionalism, and equal rights in the Civil War Era (1998) p. 86
203. ^ Wills, p. 39
204. ^ Donald (2001), p. 137.
205. ^ Paludan, p. 116.
206. ^ McPherson (1993) pp. 450–452
207. ^ a b Donald (2001), p. 424.
208. ^ Paludan, p. 111.
209. ^ Cox (2005) p. 182
210. ^ Donald (1996), p. 501-502
211. ^ "1863 Thanksgiving proclamation". National Park Service. http://www.nps.gov/history/history/onli ... 2/sb2w.htm. Retrieved 12 September 2010.
212. ^ "Supreme Court Nominations, present-1789". United States Senate. http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/refere ... ations.htm. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
213. ^ "Cabinet & Vice Presidents". The Lincoln Institute. http://www.mrlincolnswhitehouse.org/ins ... ubjectID=2. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
214. ^ North & South - The Official Magazine of the Civil War Society, Volume 11, Number 2, Page 42, accessed April 16, 2010, "How Lincoln made a cabinet"
215. ^ Harrison, pp. 3–4.
216. ^ Donald (2001), p. 594-597.
217. ^ Donald, pp. 598–599.
218. ^ Mark Noll, "Lincoln's God," Journal of Presbyterian History, May 2004, Vol. 82 Issue 2, pp 77-88
219. ^ Richard J. Carwardine, "Lincoln, Evangelical Religion, and American Political Culture in the Era of the Civil War," Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Jan 1997, Vol. 18 Issue 1, pp 27-55,
220. ^ For the historiography see Bernard Von Bothmer, "Devout Believer or Skeptic Politician? An Overview of Historians' Analyses of Abraham Lincoln's Religion: 1959-2001." Lincoln Herald, Dec 2005, Vol. 107 Issue 4, pp 154-166
221. ^ Nicholas Parrillo, "Lincoln's Calvinist Transformation: Emancipation and War," Civil War History, Sept 2000, Vol. 46 Issue 3, pp 227-53
222. ^ James Tackach, "Abraham Lincoln's Election Jeremiad: The Second Inaugural Address," Studies in Puritan American Spirituality, Dec 2004, Vol. 8, pp 147-169
223. ^ J. G. Randall and Richard N. Current. Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (1955) pp 373-377, quote on p. 375
224. ^ Donald (1996), p. 15.
225. ^ a b Guelzo, p. 20.
226. ^ Miller, pp. 57–59.
227. ^ Guelzo, p. 194.
228. ^ a b Guelzo, pp. 18–19
229. ^ Jaffa, p. 258.
230. ^ Guelzo, pp. 194–195.
231. ^ Miller, p. 297.
232. ^ Wilson, pp. 251–254.
233. ^ Wilson, p. 254.
234. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 514.
235. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 514–515.
236. ^ David B. Chesebrough, No Sorrow like Our Sorrow: Northern Protestant Ministers and the Assassination of Lincoln (Kent State University Press, 1994), pp. 76, 79, 106, 110
237. ^ Bose, p. 5
238. ^ Taranto, p. 264
239. ^ Sweetman, pp. 242, 256, 266
240. ^ Carroll, p. 94
241. ^ a b Dennis, p. 194
242. ^ a b Boritt 2006, p. 194
243. ^ Reinhart, p. 94
244. ^ "Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historic Site". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-09-11. http://www.nps.gov/abli/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
245. ^ "Lincoln Home National Historic Site". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-09-15. http://www.nps.gov/libo/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
246. ^ "Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-11-02. http://www.nps.gov/liho/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
247. ^ Peterson, pp. 312, 368
248. ^ "Lincoln's New Salem State Historic Site". Illinois Historic Preservation Agency. http://www.lincolnsnewsalem.com/. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
249. ^ "About Ford's". Ford's Theatre. http://www.fordstheatre.org/home/about-fords. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
250. ^ "Lincoln Tomb". National Park Service. http://www.nps.gov/history/history/onli ... site19.htm. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
251. ^ "Lincoln SOS! Project Endorsed". Heritage Preservation. heritagepreservation.org. 2010-08-26. http://www.heritagepreservation.org/sos ... 06albc.htm.
252. ^ Schwartz, p. 196–199
253. ^ Schauffler, p. xi
254. ^ Peterson p. 263
255. ^ Ferguson, p. 147
256. ^ Scotts U.S. stamp catalogue
257. ^ Carroll, James R. (2009-01-12). "Let the Lincoln bicentennial celebrations begin". The Courier-Journal. http://www.courier-journal.com/article/ ... /901120364. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
258. ^ "The Official Website of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum". Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum. http://www.alplm.com/. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
259. ^ Scotts U.S. Stamp Catalogue
Bibliography
Main article: Bibliography of Abraham Lincoln
* Baker, Jean H. (1989). Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393305869.
* Boritt, Gabor S. (1997). Why the Civil War Came. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195113761. <
* Burkhimer, Michael. One hundred essential Lincoln books (20003), 305 pages; historiography
* Carwardine, Richard (2003). Lincoln. Pearson Education Ltd. ISBN 9780582032798.
* Cox, Hank H. (2005). Lincoln And The Sioux Uprising of 1862. Cumberland House Publ.. ISBN 9781581824575.
* Diggins, John P. (1986). The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226148777.
* Dirck, Brian (2008). Lincoln the Lawyer. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252076145.
* Donald, David Herbert (1996) [1995]. Lincoln. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9780684825359.
* Donald, David Herbert (2001). Lincoln Reconsidered. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 9780375725326.
* Edgar, Walter B. (1998). South Carolina: A History. University of South Carolina Press.. ISBN 9781570032554.
* Emerson, James (2007). The Madness of Mary Lincoln. Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 9780809327713.
* Fehrenbacher, Don E., ed (1989). Lincoln: Speeches and Writings 1859–1865. Library of America. ISBN 0940450631.
* Ferguson, Andrew (2008). Land of Lincoln: Adventures in Abe's America. Grove Press. p. 147. ISBN 9780802143617.
* Foner, Eric (1995) [1970]. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195094978.
* Goodwin, Doris Kearns (2005). Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684824906.
* Grimsley, Mark (2001). The Collapse of the Confederacy. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0803221703.
* Guelzo, Allen C. (1999). Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President. W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. ISBN 0-8028-3872-3.
* Guelzo Allen C. Lincoln: a very short introduction (2009), 147 pages
* Harrison, J. Houston (1935). Settlers by the Long Grey Trail. J.K. Reubush.
* Harrison, Lowell Hayes (2000). Lincoln of Kentucky. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0813121566.
* Harris, William C. (2007). Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700615209.
* Heidler, David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler, ed (2000). Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History. W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.. p. 174. ISBN 9780393047585.
* Holzer, Harold (2004). Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 9780743299640.
* Holzer, Harold; Edna Greene Medford, Frank J. Williams (2006). The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic). Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 9780807131442.
* Jaffa, Harry V. (2000). A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-8476-9952-8.
* Lamb, Brian and Susan Swain, ed (2008). Abraham Lincoln: Great American Historians on Our Sixteenth President. PublicAffairs. ISBN 9781586486761.
* Lincoln, Abraham (2001) [1946]. Basler, Roy Prentice. ed. Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings. Da Capo Press. ISBN 9780306810756.
* Lincoln, Abraham (1953). Basler, Roy Prentice. ed. Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (9 vols.). Rutgers University Press. ISBN 9780813501727.
* Lincoln, Abraham (1992). Paul McClelland Angle, Earl Schenck Miers. ed. The Living Lincoln: the Man, his Mind, his Times, and the War he Fought, Reconstructed from his Own Writings. Barnes & Noble Publishing. ISBN 9781566190435.
* Luthin, Reinhard H. (1944). The First Lincoln Campaign. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780844612928.
* McGovern, George S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln. Macmillan. ISBN 9780805083453.
* Abraham Lincol. Oxford University Press US. 2009. ISBN 9780195374520.
* McPherson, James M. (1992). Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195076066.
* McPherson, James M. (1993). Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195168952.
* McPherson, James M. (2007) [1996]. Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195117967.
* McPherson, James M. (2008). Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln as Commander in Chief. Penguin Press. ISBN 9781594201912.
* Mansch, Larry D. (2005). Abraham Lincoln, President-Elect: The Four Critical Months from Election to Inauguration. McFarland. ISBN 078642026X.
* Miller, William Lee (2002). Lincoln's Virtues: An Ethical Biography. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-375-40158-X.
* Mitchell, Thomas G. (2007). Anti-slavery politics in antebellum and Civil War America. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275991685.
* Neely, Mark E. (1992). The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195080322.
* Nevins, Allan (1950). Ordeal of the Union; Vol. IV: The Emergence of Lincoln: Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861. Macmillan Publishing Company. ISBN 9780684104164.
* Nevins, Allan (2000) [1971]. The War for the Union; Vol. I: The Improvised War: 1861–1862. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522968.
* Nevins, Allan (2000) [1971]. The War for the Union; Vol. IV: The Organized War to Victory: 1864–1865. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522999.
* Nevins, Allan (1960). The War for the Union: War becomes revolution, 1862–1863. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522975.
* Oates, Stephen B. (1993). With Malice Toward None: a Life of Abraham Lincoln. HarperCollins. ISBN 9780060924713.
* Paludan, Phillip Shaw (1994). The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700606719.
* Peterson, Merrill D. (1995). Lincoln in American Memory. Oxford University Press U.S.. ISBN 9780195096453.
* Potter, David M.; Don Edward Fehrenbacher (1976). The impending crisis, 1848–1861. HarperCollins. ISBN 9780061319297.
* Reinhart, Mark S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln on Screen. McFarland. ISBN 9780786435364.
* Randall, J. G. Lincoln the President (4 vol 1945-55), highly influential multivolume biography
* Sandburg, carl. Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years (2 vol 1926) unusually well written narrative by famous poet
* Schwartz, Barry (2009). Abraham Lincoln in the Post-Heroic Era: History and Memory in Late Twentieth-Century America. University of Chicago Press. pp. 196–199. ISBN 9780226741888.
* Swanson, James L. (2006). Manhunt: The 12-Day Chase for Lincoln's Killer. HarperCollins.
* Taranto, James; Leonard Leo. Presidential Leadership: Rating the Best and the Worst in the White House. Simon and Schuster. p. 264. ISBN 9780743254335.
* Thomas, Benjamin P. (2008) [1952]. Abraham Lincoln: A Biography. ISBN 9780809328871.
* Thornton, Brian; Richard W. Donley (2005). 101 Things You Didn't Know about Lincoln: Loves and Losses, Political Power Plays, White House Hauntings. Adams Media. ISBN 9781593373993.
* Vorenberg, Michael (2001). Final Freedom: the Civil War, the Abolition of Slavery, and the Thirteenth Amendment. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521652674.
* White, Jr., Ronald C. (2009). A. Lincoln: A Biography. Random House, Inc.. ISBN 9781400064991.
* Wilentz, Sean, ed. The best American history essays on Lincoln (Organization of American Historians, 2009), 252 pages; famous essays by scholars
* Wills, Garry (1993). Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-86742-3.
* Wilson, Douglas L. (1999). Honor's Voice: The Transformation of Abraham Lincoln. Knopf Publishing Group. ISBN 9780375703966.
* Zarefsky, David S. (1993). Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: in the Crucible of Public Debate. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226978765.
External links
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* Abraham Lincoln Quotes, Facts, Pictures, Biography And Much More
* Abraham Lincoln at the Open Directory Project
* Abraham Lincoln at the Open Directory Project – Speeches and writings
* The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln
* Works by or about Abraham Lincoln in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
* Photographs of Abraham Lincoln
* Abraham Lincoln at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
* Mr. Lincoln's Virtual Library
* Poetry written by Abraham Lincoln
* Lincoln quotes collected by Roger Norton
* The Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum Springfield, Illinois
* President Lincoln's Cottage
* US PATNo. 6,469—Manner of Buoying Vessels—A. Lincoln—1849
* National Park Service Abraham Lincoln birthplace (includes good early history)
* National Endowment for the Humanities Spotlight – Abraham Lincoln
* The Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission
* Lincoln/Net: Abraham Lincoln Historical Digitization Project, Northern Illinois University Libraries
* Abraham Lincoln: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
* Essay on Abraham Lincoln and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
* The Entire Writings of Lincoln including an introduction by Theodore Roosevelt
Political offices
Preceded by
James Buchanan President of the United States
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865 Succeeded by
Andrew Johnson
United States House of Representatives
Preceded by
John Henry Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Illinois's 7th congressional district
March 4, 1847 – March 4, 1849 Succeeded by
Thomas L. Harris
Party political offices
Preceded by
John C. Frémont Republican Party presidential candidate
1860, 1864 Succeeded by
Ulysses S. Grant
Honorary titles
Preceded by
Henry Clay Persons who have lain in state or honor
in the United States Capitol rotunda
April 19–21, 1865 Succeeded by
Thaddeus Stevens
P.S. - É favor não avacalhar o tópico
Please do not avacalhate this topic
In March 1861 in his famous First Inaugural Address, Lincoln explored the nature of democracy. He denounced secession as anarchy, and explained that majority rule had to be balanced by constitutional restraints in the American system:
"A majority held in restraint by constitutional checks and limitations, and always changing easily with deliberate changes of popular opinions and sentiments, is the only true sovereign of a free people."[202]
In his 1863 Gettysburg Address, Lincoln explained that the Civil War had a deep meaning, for it marked a new founding of the nation. He argued that it was born not in 1789 but in 1776, "conceived in Liberty, and dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal". He declared that the sacrifices of battle had rededicated the nation to the deepest values of liberty, democracy and equality, "that this nation shall have a new birth of freedom—and that government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth".[203]
Domestic measures
Lincoln adhered to the Whig theory of the presidency, which gave Congress primary responsibility for writing the laws while the Executive enforced them. Lincoln only vetoed four bills passed by Congress; the only important one was the Wade-Davis Bill with its harsh program of Reconstruction.[204] Thus, he signed the Homestead Act in 1862, making millions of acres of government-held land in the West available for purchase at very low cost. The Morrill Land-Grant Colleges Act, also signed in 1862, provided government grants for state agricultural colleges in each state. The Pacific Railway Acts of 1862 and 1864 granted federal support for the construction of the United States' First Transcontinental Railroad, which was completed in 1869.[205] The passage of the Homestead Act and the Pacific Railway Acts was made possible by the absence of Southern congressmen and senators who had opposed the measures in the 1850s.[206]
Other important legislation involved two measures to raise revenues for the Federal government: tariffs (a policy with long precedent), and a Federal income tax (which was new). In 1861, Lincoln signed the second and third Morrill Tariff (the first had become law under James Buchanan). In 1861, Lincoln signed the Revenue Act of 1861 creating the first U.S. income tax.[207] This created a flat tax of 3% on incomes above $800 ($19,307 in current dollars), which was later changed by the Revenue Act of 1862 to a progressive rate structure.[208]
Lincoln also presided over the expansion of the federal government's economic influence in several other areas. The creation of the system of national banks by the National Banking Acts of 1863, 1864, and 1865 provided a strong financial network in the country. In 1862, Congress created, with Lincoln's approval, the Department of Agriculture, although that institution would not become a Cabinet-level department until 1889. The Legal Tender Act of 1862 established the United States Note, the first paper currency in United States history since the Continentals that were issued during the Revolution. This was done to increase the money supply to pay for fighting the war.[207] In 1862, Lincoln sent a senior general, John Pope, to put down the "Sioux Uprising" in Minnesota. Presented with 303 death warrants for convicted Santee Dakota who were accused of killing innocent farmers, Lincoln conducted his own personal review of each of these warrants, eventually approving 39 for execution (one was later reprieved).[209]
In the wake of Grant's casualties in his campaign against Lee, Lincoln had considered yet another executive call for a military draft, but it was never issued. In response to rumors of one however, the editors of the New York World and the Journal of Commerce published a bogus draft proclamation which created an opportunity for the editors and others employed at the publications to corner the gold market. Lincoln's reaction was to send the strongest of messages to the media about such behavior; he ordered the military to seize the two papers; the seizure lasted for two days.[210]
Abraham Lincoln is largely responsible for the institution of the Thanksgiving holiday in the United States. Prior to Lincoln's presidency, Thanksgiving, while a regional holiday in New England since the 17th century, had only been proclaimed by the federal government sporadically, and on irregular dates. The last such proclamation was during James Madison's presidency 50 years before. In 1863, Lincoln declared the final Thursday in November to be a day of Thanksgiving, and the holiday has been celebrated annually then ever since.[211]
Administration, cabinet and Supreme Court appointments 1861–1865
Lincoln appointed the following Justices to the Supreme Court of the United States:[212]
Judge↓ Nominated↓ Confirmed↓
Noah Haynes Swayne 18620127January 21, 1862 18810124January 24, 1862
Samuel Freeman Miller 18620721July 16, 1862 18901013July 16, 1862
David Davis 18621210December 1, 1862 18770304December 8, 1862
Stephen Johnson Field 18630520March 6, 1863 18971201March 10, 1863
Salmon P. Chase 18641215December 6, 1864 18730507December 6, 1864
The Lincoln Cabinet[213][214]
OFFICE NAME TERM
President Abraham Lincoln 1861–1865
Vice President Hannibal Hamlin 1861–1865
Andrew Johnson 1865
State William H. Seward 1861–1865
War Simon Cameron 1861–1862
Edwin M. Stanton 1862–1865
Treasury Salmon P. Chase 1861–1864
William P. Fessenden 1864–1865
Hugh McCulloch 1865
Justice Edward Bates 1861–1864
James Speed 1864–1865
Post Montgomery Blair 1861–1864
William Dennison, Jr. 1864–1865
Navy Gideon Welles 1861–1865
Interior Caleb B. Smith 1861–1862
John P. Usher 1863–1865
States admitted to the Union
* West Virginia – June 20, 1863
* Nevada – October 31, 1864
Assassination
Main article: Assassination of Abraham Lincoln
Further information: Abraham Lincoln's burial and exhumation
A drawing of Lincoln being shot by Booth while sitting in a theater booth.
Assassination of Abraham Lincoln. From left to right: Henry Rathbone, Clara Harris, Mary Todd Lincoln, Abraham Lincoln and John Wilkes Booth
Originally, John Wilkes Booth, a well-known actor and a Confederate spy from Maryland, had formulated a plan to kidnap Lincoln in exchange for the release of Confederate prisoners. After attending an April 11 speech in which Lincoln promoted voting rights for blacks, an incensed Booth changed his plans and became determined to assassinate the president.[215] Learning that the President and First Lady would be attending Ford's Theatre, he laid his plans, assigning his co-conspirators to assassinate Vice President Andrew Johnson and Secretary of State William H. Seward. Without his main bodyguard Ward Hill Lamon, to whom he related his famous dream regarding his own assassination, Lincoln left to attend the play, Our American Cousin, on April 14, 1865.[216]
A 15 cent postage stamp depicting Lincoln with a beard.
On April 14, 1866, one year to the day after Lincoln's assassination, the U.S. Post Office issued its first postage stamp honoring the fallen President
As a lone bodyguard wandered, and Lincoln sat in his state box in the balcony, Booth crept up behind the President and waited for what he thought would be the funniest line of the play ("You sock-dologizing old man-trap"), hoping the laughter would muffle the noise of the gunshot. When the laughter began, Booth jumped into the box and aimed a single-shot, round-ball .44 caliber (11 mm) Deringer at his head, firing at point-blank range. Major Henry Rathbone momentarily grappled with Booth but Booth escaped; he was tracked down by the Army on April 26 and killed.
A steam engine with railroad workers standing in front of it.
Lincoln's funeral train carried his remains, as well as 300 mourners and the casket of his son, William, 1,654 miles (2,662 km) to Illinois
An army surgeon, Doctor Charles Leale, initially assessed Lincoln's wound as mortal. The dying man was taken across the street to Petersen House. After being in a coma for nine hours, Lincoln died at 7:22 A.M on April 15. Presbyterian minister Phineas Densmore Gurley then present was asked to offer a prayer, after which Secretary of War Stanton saluted and said, "Now he belongs to the ages."[217]
Religious and philosophical beliefs
Further information: Abraham Lincoln and religion
A painting of Lincoln sitting with his hand on his chin and his elbow on his leg.
Lincoln painted by George Peter Alexander Healy in 1869
Though he never joined a church, Lincoln was thoroughly familiar with the Bible and quoted it often. He held the strong belief in a Providence whose purposes were not discernable. His integration of religion and politics, according to historian Mark Noll, gives Lincoln enduring relevance as the nation's greatest public theologian.[218] Historians have debated whether Lincoln's frequent use of religious imagery and language reflected his own personal beliefs or was a device to appeal to his audiences, which were mostly comprised of evangelical Protestants.[219] In recent decades some scholars have emphasized Lincoln's ongoing religious skepticism while others have argued his beliefs evolved during the 1850s and gravitated toward an acceptance of mainstream evangelical Protestantism during the Civil War.[220] In the 1850s Lincoln acknowledged "providence" in a general way, and rarely used the language or imagery of the evangelicals; instead he regarded the republicanism of the Founding Fathers with an almost religious reverence. However, during the course of the Civil War (and the deaths of his children) Lincoln more and more often acknowledged his own need to depend on God and to seek to fulfill what he perceived to be God's purposes in the war, including the emancipation of slaves.[221] In particular historians have seen Lincoln's second inaugural address in terms of the tradition of the Puritan sermon. Lincoln drew on biblical concepts and rhetoric to expose the nation's errors, notably the national sin of slavery for which the prolonged punishment of the Civil War was God's judgment and punishment. Continuing in the jeremiad tradition, he prayed for an end to the war, called for forgiveness, and expressed hope for divine grace.[222]
Lincoln's theology, according to biographer James G. Randall, resembled Unitarianism. He felt that all men would go to heaven and no one would go to hell. He did not believe in the supernatural account of the birth of Christ. He often talked of God, but rarely mentioned Jesus as the Savior—indeed seldom mentioned Jesus at all. Many of his ancestors had been Quakers, and he deeply sympathized with their religion. Like many Quakers, he experienced a sense of mysticism, the sense of direct communication with the unseen. He was involved in several séances at the White House, sponsored by his wife, but did not take himself become a spiritualist. Lincoln had numerous superstitious beliefs, and sensed that his dreams were omens of the future; throughout his life he had a strongly fatalistic attitude. He saw himself as an instrument in the hands of God—thereby becoming in Randall's view, "a man of more intense religiosity than any other President of the United States.".[223]
As a child, Lincoln largely rejected organized religion, but the Calvinistic "doctrine of necessity" would remain a factor throughout his life. In 1846, Lincoln described the effect of this doctrine as "that the human mind is impelled to action, or held in rest by some power, over which the mind itself has no control".[224] There were few people who strongly or directly influenced Lincoln's moral and intellectual development and perspectives. There was no teacher, mentor, church leader, community leader, or peer that Lincoln would credit in later years as a strong influence on his intellectual development. Lacking a formal education, Lincoln's personal philosophy was shaped by "an amazingly retentive memory and a passion for reading and learning". It was Lincoln's reading, rather than his relationships, that were most influential in shaping his personal beliefs.[225][226]
Lincoln's religious skepticism was for a time fueled by his readings in Enlightenment and economic liberalism.[225] Consistent with the common practice of the Whig party, Lincoln would often use the Declaration of Independence as the philosophical and moral expression of these two philosophies.[227] In March 1860, in a speech in New Haven, Connecticut, Lincoln said, regarding slavery, "Whenever this question shall be settled, it must be settled on some philosophical basis. No policy that does not rest upon some philosophical public opinion can be permanently maintained." The philosophical basis for Lincoln's beliefs regarding slavery and other issues of the day require that Lincoln be examined "seriously as a man of ideas".[228]
In a February 22, 1861, speech at Independence Hall in Philadelphia, Lincoln said,
I have never had a feeling politically that did not spring from the sentiments embodied in the Declaration of Independence. ...It was not the mere matter of the separation of the Colonies from the motherland; but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but, I hope, to the world, for all future time. It was that which gave promise that in due time the weight would be lifted from the shoulders of all men. This is a sentiment embodied in the Declaration of Independence.[229]
He found in the Declaration, justification for Whig economic policy and opposition to territorial expansion and the nativist platform of the Know Nothings. In claiming that all men were created free, Lincoln and the Whigs argued that this freedom required economic advancement, expanded education, territory to grow, and the ability of the nation to absorb the growing immigrant population.[230] It was the Declaration of Independence more than the Bible that Lincoln relied on specifically to oppose any further territorial expansion of slavery. He saw the Declaration as more than a political document. To him, as well as to many abolitionists and other antislavery leaders, it was, foremost, a moral document that had forever determined valuable principles for the future shaping of the nation.[231]
As Lincoln matured, and especially during his term as president, the idea of a divine will, somehow interacting with human affairs, increasingly influenced his beliefs and public expressions. On a personal level, the death of his son Willie in February 1862, caused Lincoln to look towards religion for answers and solace.[232] More than any political leader of the day he fashioned public policy into the mold of religious language, especially a kind of Old School Calvinism that avoided the evangelical, revivalistic fervor of the Second Great Awakening.[228] After Willie's death, in the summer or early fall of 1862, Lincoln attempted to put on paper his private thoughts on why, from a divine standpoint, the severity of the war was necessary:
The will of God prevails. In great contests each party claims to act in accordance with the will of God. Both may be, and one must be, wrong. God cannot be for and against the same thing at the same time. In the present civil war it is quite possible that God's purpose is something different from the purpose of either party—and yet the human instrumentalities, working just as they do, are of the best adaptation to effect his purpose. I am almost ready to say this is probably true—that God wills this contest, and wills that it shall not end yet. By his mere quiet power, on the minds of the now contestants, He could have either saved or destroyed the Union without a human contest. Yet the contest began. And having begun He could give the final victory to either side any day. Yet the contest proceeds.[233]
In April 1864, in justifying his actions regarding Emancipation, Lincoln wrote, "I claim not to have controlled events, but confess plainly that events have controlled me. Now, at the end of three years struggle the nation's condition is not what either party, or any man devised, or expected. God alone can claim it."[234] In the difficult summer of 1864, when the Union Army was suffering severe casualties, Lincoln drew solace from the Bible. To his friend Joshua Speed, he said, "Take all of this book [the Bible] upon reason that you can, and the balance on faith, and you will live and die a happier and better man." He is also quoted as saying, "this Great Book...is the best gift God has given to man".[234]
In September 1864, Lincoln, placing the war squarely within a divine province, wrote in a letter to a member of the Society of Friends, "The purposes of the Almighty are perfect, and must prevail, though we erring mortals may fail accurately to perceive them in advance. We hoped for a happy termination of this terrible war long before this; but God knows best, and has ruled otherwise...we must work earnestly in the best light He gives us, trusting that so working still conduces to the great ends He ordains. Surely He intends some great good to follow this mighty convulsion, which no mortal could make, and no mortal could stay."[235]
Legacy and memorials
Further information: Cultural depictions of Abraham Lincoln
An aerial photo a large white building with big pillars.
Lincoln Memorial in Washington
Lincoln's death made the President a national martyr ,[236] He is regarded by the public and historians in numerous polls as among the greatest presidents in U.S. history, usually in the top three, along with George Washington and Franklin D. Roosevelt.[237] A study published in 2004, found that scholars in the fields of history and politics ranked Lincoln number one, while law scholars placed him second after Washington.[238]
The ballistic missile submarine Abraham Lincoln (SSBN-602) and the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln (CVN-72) were named in his honor.[239] During the Spanish Civil War, the Communist-controlled American faction of the International Brigades named themselves the Abraham Lincoln Brigade.[240] Lincoln has been memorialized in many town, city, and county names,[241] including the capital of Nebraska.[242] Lincoln, Illinois, is the only city to be named for Abraham Lincoln before he became President.[243]
A drawing of George Washington hugging Lincoln in the clouds with angels in the background.
The Apotheosis of Abraham Lincoln, greeted by George Washington in heaven (an 1860s work)
Lincoln's name and image appear in numerous places. These include the Lincoln Memorial in Washington, D.C.,[242] the U.S. Lincoln $5 bill and the Lincoln cent, and Lincoln's sculpture on Mount Rushmore.[citation needed] Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historical Park in Hodgenville, Kentucky,[244] Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial in Lincoln City, Indiana,[245] and Lincoln Home National Historic Site in Springfield, Illinois,[246] commemorate the president.[247] In addition, New Salem, Illinois (a reconstruction of Lincoln's early adult hometown),[248] Ford's Theatre, and Petersen House (where he died) are all preserved as museums.[249] The Lincoln Tomb in Oak Ridge Cemetery in Springfield, Illinois, contains his remains, and well as the remains of his wife and three of his four sons.[250] There are 220 statues displayed outdoors of Lincoln.[251]
Abraham Lincoln's birthday, February 12, was never a national holiday, but it was observed by 30 states.[241] In 1971, Presidents Day became a national holiday, combining Lincoln's and Washington's birthdays, and replacing most states' celebration of his birthday.[252] As of 2005, Lincoln's Birthday is a legal holiday in 10 states.[253] The Abraham Lincoln Association was formed in 1908 to commemorate the centennial of Lincoln's birth.[254] The Association is now the oldest group dedicated to the study of Lincoln.[255]
Lincoln is the only U.S. President ever to be honored on a U.S. Airmail stamp, issued in 1960.[256][citation needed]
To commemorate his 200th birthday in February 2009, Congress established the Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission (ALBC) in 2000 to honor Lincoln.[257] The Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum is located in Springfield and is run by the State of Illinois.[258] Also, the United States Postal Service honored Lincoln with a Liberty Issue 4¢ postage stamp on November 19, 1954, and a Prominent Americans series (1965–1978) 4¢ postage stamp.[259]
See also
Book:Abraham Lincoln
Books are collections of articles that can be downloaded or ordered in print.
American Civil War portal
Military of the United States portal
* Bibliography of Abraham Lincoln
* American School, Lincoln's economic views.
* Electoral history of Abraham Lincoln
* Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial
* Lincoln Kennedy coincidences urban legend
* Lincoln Memorial University
* Lincoln family tree
* John T. Morse's 2-volume biography of Lincoln
* Poetry of Abraham Lincoln
* Sexuality of Abraham Lincoln
References
Footnotes
1. ^ Goodwin, p. 91; Holzer, p. 232.
2. ^ Larry Tagg, The Unpopular Mr. Lincoln: The Story of America's Most Reviled President (2009)
3. ^ James G. Randall, "The Unpopular Mr. Lincoln," in Randall, Lincoln: The Liberal Statesman (1947) pp 65–87
4. ^ Harold Holzer "Lincoln the Orator," American Heritage, Winter 2009.
5. ^ Thornton, p. 101
6. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 20–22
7. ^ Donald (1996), p. 20
8. ^ White, p. 12, 13
9. ^ Donald (1996), p. 21
10. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 22–24
11. ^ Lamb, p. 189.
12. ^ Sandburg p. 20
13. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 26–27
14. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 30–33
15. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 28, 152
16. ^ Donald (1996), p. 36
17. ^ Benjamin Thomas, Abraham Lincoln (1952) pp 23-53
18. ^ Sandburg, pp. 22–23
19. ^ Donald (1996), p. 38–43
20. ^ White, pp. 25, 31, 47.
21. ^ Donald (1996), p.33
22. ^ Sandberg (1926), p. 10.
23. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 55–58
24. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69; Thomas, pp. 56–57, 69–70.
25. ^ Lamb, p. 43.
26. ^ a b Sandburg, pp. 46–48.
27. ^ Donald (1996), p. 86
28. ^ Sandburg, pp. 50–51.
29. ^ Donald (1996), p. 93
30. ^ White, p. 125.
31. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 95–96
32. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 108
33. ^ White, p. 126.
34. ^ Baker, p. 120.
35. ^ White, p. 179.
36. ^ White, pp. 181, 476.
37. ^ White, p. 181.
38. ^ Emerson, Jason (June/July 2006). "The Madness of Mary Lincoln". American Heritage. http://www.americanheritage.com/people/ ... iage.shtml. Retrieved 2009-09-03.
39. ^ Shenk, Joshua Wolf (October 2005). "Lincoln's Great Depression". The Atlantic. http://www.theatlantic.com/doc/200510/l ... depression. Retrieved 2009-10-08.
40. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 41–42.
41. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 43–46.
42. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 50–51.
43. ^ White, p. 59.
44. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 53–55.
45. ^ Lincoln (1992), p. 17.
46. ^ White, pp. 71, 79, 108.
47. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69, pp. 100–101.
48. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 67–69 pp. 75, 121.
49. ^ Donald (1996), p 59.
50. ^ Paul Simon, Lincoln's preparation for greatness: the Illinois legislative years (1989) p 130
51. ^ Thomas, Lincoln p. 64; Basler, ed. Collected Works vol 1 p 75
52. ^ Donald p. 134
53. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 165–167.
54. ^ Guelzo, p. 63.
55. ^ Boritt, Gabor S. (1978). Lincoln and the Economics of the American Dream.
56. ^ White, p. 135.
57. ^ Oates, p. 79.
58. ^ Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency (2007) p. 54
59. ^ Heidler, pp. 181–182.
60. ^ Oates, pp. 79–80.
61. ^ a b Basler (ed.) 2001, pp. 199–202.
62. ^ McGovern, p. 33.
63. ^ Basler (ed.) 2001, p. 202.
64. ^ Mueller, Jean West; Wynell B. Schamel. "Teaching With Documents: Lincoln's Spot Resolutions". National Archives. http://www.archives.gov/education/lesso ... solutions/. Retrieved 2009-09-26.
65. ^ Donald (1996), p. 126.
66. ^ Donald (1996) p. 128-129
67. ^ Harris, Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency pp 55-57
68. ^ Donald (1996), p. 96
69. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 105–106, 158.
70. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 142–143, 156, 157
71. ^ "Abraham Lincoln's Patent Model: Improvement for Buoying Vessels Over Shoals". National Museum of American History, Smithsonian Institution. http://americanhistory.si.edu/collectio ... &objkey=19. Retrieved 2008-06-17.
72. ^ Thornton, pp. 100–101.
73. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 155.
74. ^ Dirck, p. 92.
75. ^ Handy (1917), p.440
76. ^ a b c Donald (1996), pp. 150–151.
77. ^ Harrison (1935), pp. 269, 286
78. ^ McGovern, pp. 36–37.
79. ^ Benjamin Thomas, Abraham Lincoln: A Biography (1952) pp 148-52
80. ^ White, p. 199.
81. ^ Basler (1953), p. 255.
82. ^ Oates, p. 119.
83. ^ White, pp. 205–208.
84. ^ McGovern, pp. 38–39.
85. ^ Donald (1996), p. 193.
86. ^ Oates, pp. 138–139.
87. ^ Donald (1996), p. 202.
88. ^ White, p. 251.
89. ^ Donald (1996), p. 205
90. ^ Harris, p. 98.
91. ^ McPherson (1993), p. 182.
92. ^ Donald, p. 214-224
93. ^ Carwardine, p. 89-90
94. ^ Donald, p. 242, 412
95. ^ See text of speech
96. ^ Carwardine, p. 97;Holzer, p. 157.
97. ^ Donald, p. 240
98. ^ Donald, p. 241
99. ^ Donald (1996), p. 244.
100. ^ Oates, pp. 175–176.
101. ^ Donald (1996), p. 245
102. ^ Sandburg, pp. 118–119.
103. ^ Donald (1996), p. 247-250
104. ^ Boritt 1997, p. 10.
105. ^ Boritt 1997, pp. 13, 18.
106. ^ Nevins (1950), pp. 261–272.
107. ^ Donald (1996), p. 254-255
108. ^ Donald (1996), p. 256
109. ^ Nevins (1950), pp. 277, 290, 298–305; Luthin, pp. 171, 197–198, 202–203, 210, 218.
110. ^ Mansch, p. 61.
111. ^ Harris, p. 243.
112. ^ White, p. 350.
113. ^ Nevins (1950), p. 312
114. ^ Edgar (1998), p. 350
115. ^ a b c Donald (1996), p. 267.
116. ^ Potter, p. 498.
117. ^ White, p. 362.
118. ^ Potter, pp. 520, 569–570.
119. ^ White, pp. 360–361.
120. ^ Donald (1996), p. 268.
121. ^ Vorenberg, p. 22.
122. ^ "Abraham Lincoln and the Corwin Amendment". Illinois Periodicals Online. http://www.lib.niu.edu/2006/ih060934.html. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
123. ^ Donald (1996), p. 277-279.
124. ^ Nevins, The Emergence of Lincoln (1950) 2:458-62
125. ^ White, p. 369.
126. ^ Donald (2001), p. 268, 279.
127. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 293.
128. ^ Donald p. 292
129. ^ Nevins (2000), p. 29.
130. ^ Sherman (1990) p. 185-186
131. ^ a b Oates, p. 226
132. ^ Donald (1996) p.302.
133. ^ Heidler 2000, p. 174
134. ^ Donald (2001), p. 304.
135. ^ Neely, p. 253, n. 7.
136. ^ Donald (1996), p. 315, 338–339
137. ^ Donald (1996), p. 331-333, 417.
138. ^ Donald (1996), p. 315-316
139. ^ Charles Francis Adams, "The Trent Affair," American Historical Review Vol. 17, No. 3 (Apr., 1912), pp. 540–562 in JSTOR
140. ^ Donald (1996), p. 322
141. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 325–326
142. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 295–296
143. ^ Donald, pp. 391, 392
144. ^ Donald, pp. 432–436
145. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 318–319
146. ^ Donald (1996), p. 349-352
147. ^ Donald (1996), p. 360, 361
148. ^ Nevins 1960, p. 2:159–62
149. ^ Donald (1996), p. 339-340
150. ^ Goodwin, p. 478, 479
151. ^ Goodwin, pp. 478–480.
152. ^ Goodwin, p. 481
153. ^ Donald (1996), p. 389-390
154. ^ Allan Nevins, The War for the Union: Volume II, War becomes Revolution (1960), pp 343–67
155. ^ Nevins (1960) 2:318-22, quote on p 322
156. ^ Donald (1996), p. 422-423
157. ^ Nevins 1960, pp. 2:432–50
158. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 444–447.
159. ^ Donald (1996), p.449-452
160. ^ Donald (1996), p.453-460
161. ^ "Introduction to Abraham Lincoln's Gettysburg Address". InfoUSA. United States Department of State. Archived from the original on 2007-08-13. http://web.archive.org/web/200708132342 ... rac/25.htm. Retrieved 2007-11-30.
162. ^ Donald (1996), p.462
163. ^ Donald (1996), p. 446.
164. ^ Thomas, p. 315.
165. ^ Nevins (2000) (Vol. IV), pp. 6–17.
166. ^ Donald (1996), p. 490-492
167. ^ McPherson (2009), p. 113.
168. ^ Donald (1996), p. 501
169. ^ Kloss, William. "The Peacemakers". White House Historical Association. http://www.whitehousehistory.org/whha_a ... rt-06.html. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
170. ^ Thomas, pp. 422–424.
171. ^ Neely, Jr., Mark E. (December 2004). "Was the Civil War a Total War?". Civil War History 50 (4): 434–458. doi:10.1353/cwh.2004.0073.
172. ^ Thomas, p. 434.
173. ^ Donald (1996), p. 516-518
174. ^ Donald (1996), p. 565
175. ^ White, p. 668
176. ^ Mackubin Thomas Owens (March 8, 2004). "Mackubin Thomas Owens on Lincoln's Emancipation Proclamation: The End of Slavery in America on National Review Online". National Review. http://www.nationalreview.com/books/owe ... 251139.asp. Retrieved 13 September 2010.
177. ^ Donald, pp. 364, 365
178. ^ Donald (1996), p. 368.
179. ^ Donald (1996), p. 407.
180. ^ Nevins (1960), 2:239-40.
181. ^ Donald (1996), p. 396-398.
182. ^ Donald (1996), p. 555.
183. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 430–431.
184. ^ Donald (1996), p. 431.
185. ^ Kendrick, Paul and Stephen. "Lincoln & Douglass". American Heritage. http://www.americanheritage.com/article ... 6_36.shtml. Retrieved 12 September 2010.
186. ^ Donald (1996), p.493-507
187. ^ Grimsley, p. 80.
188. ^ Basler (1953), p. 514.
189. ^ Donald (1996), p.531
190. ^ J. G. Randall and Richard Current, Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (1955) p. 307
191. ^ Phillip Shaw Paludan, The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln (University Press of Kansas, 1994) pp 274–293
192. ^ Basler (1953), p. 333.
193. ^ Donald (1996), p. 568
194. ^ Donald, pp. 471–472
195. ^ Donald (1996), pp.485–486
196. ^ Nevins, War for the Union 4:206; Randall and Current, Lincoln the President 4:273
197. ^ Thomas, Abraham Lincoln p 512
198. ^ Jaffa, p. 399.
199. ^ Diggins, p. 307.
200. ^ Foner, p. 215.
201. ^ Jaffa, p. 263.
202. ^ Herman Belz, Abraham Lincoln, constitutionalism, and equal rights in the Civil War Era (1998) p. 86
203. ^ Wills, p. 39
204. ^ Donald (2001), p. 137.
205. ^ Paludan, p. 116.
206. ^ McPherson (1993) pp. 450–452
207. ^ a b Donald (2001), p. 424.
208. ^ Paludan, p. 111.
209. ^ Cox (2005) p. 182
210. ^ Donald (1996), p. 501-502
211. ^ "1863 Thanksgiving proclamation". National Park Service. http://www.nps.gov/history/history/onli ... 2/sb2w.htm. Retrieved 12 September 2010.
212. ^ "Supreme Court Nominations, present-1789". United States Senate. http://www.senate.gov/pagelayout/refere ... ations.htm. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
213. ^ "Cabinet & Vice Presidents". The Lincoln Institute. http://www.mrlincolnswhitehouse.org/ins ... ubjectID=2. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
214. ^ North & South - The Official Magazine of the Civil War Society, Volume 11, Number 2, Page 42, accessed April 16, 2010, "How Lincoln made a cabinet"
215. ^ Harrison, pp. 3–4.
216. ^ Donald (2001), p. 594-597.
217. ^ Donald, pp. 598–599.
218. ^ Mark Noll, "Lincoln's God," Journal of Presbyterian History, May 2004, Vol. 82 Issue 2, pp 77-88
219. ^ Richard J. Carwardine, "Lincoln, Evangelical Religion, and American Political Culture in the Era of the Civil War," Journal of the Abraham Lincoln Association, Jan 1997, Vol. 18 Issue 1, pp 27-55,
220. ^ For the historiography see Bernard Von Bothmer, "Devout Believer or Skeptic Politician? An Overview of Historians' Analyses of Abraham Lincoln's Religion: 1959-2001." Lincoln Herald, Dec 2005, Vol. 107 Issue 4, pp 154-166
221. ^ Nicholas Parrillo, "Lincoln's Calvinist Transformation: Emancipation and War," Civil War History, Sept 2000, Vol. 46 Issue 3, pp 227-53
222. ^ James Tackach, "Abraham Lincoln's Election Jeremiad: The Second Inaugural Address," Studies in Puritan American Spirituality, Dec 2004, Vol. 8, pp 147-169
223. ^ J. G. Randall and Richard N. Current. Lincoln the President: Last Full Measure (1955) pp 373-377, quote on p. 375
224. ^ Donald (1996), p. 15.
225. ^ a b Guelzo, p. 20.
226. ^ Miller, pp. 57–59.
227. ^ Guelzo, p. 194.
228. ^ a b Guelzo, pp. 18–19
229. ^ Jaffa, p. 258.
230. ^ Guelzo, pp. 194–195.
231. ^ Miller, p. 297.
232. ^ Wilson, pp. 251–254.
233. ^ Wilson, p. 254.
234. ^ a b Donald (1996), p. 514.
235. ^ Donald (1996), pp. 514–515.
236. ^ David B. Chesebrough, No Sorrow like Our Sorrow: Northern Protestant Ministers and the Assassination of Lincoln (Kent State University Press, 1994), pp. 76, 79, 106, 110
237. ^ Bose, p. 5
238. ^ Taranto, p. 264
239. ^ Sweetman, pp. 242, 256, 266
240. ^ Carroll, p. 94
241. ^ a b Dennis, p. 194
242. ^ a b Boritt 2006, p. 194
243. ^ Reinhart, p. 94
244. ^ "Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historic Site". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-09-11. http://www.nps.gov/abli/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
245. ^ "Lincoln Home National Historic Site". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-09-15. http://www.nps.gov/libo/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
246. ^ "Lincoln Boyhood National Memorial". U.S. National Park Service. 2009-11-02. http://www.nps.gov/liho/index.htm. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
247. ^ Peterson, pp. 312, 368
248. ^ "Lincoln's New Salem State Historic Site". Illinois Historic Preservation Agency. http://www.lincolnsnewsalem.com/. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
249. ^ "About Ford's". Ford's Theatre. http://www.fordstheatre.org/home/about-fords. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
250. ^ "Lincoln Tomb". National Park Service. http://www.nps.gov/history/history/onli ... site19.htm. Retrieved 10 September 2010.
251. ^ "Lincoln SOS! Project Endorsed". Heritage Preservation. heritagepreservation.org. 2010-08-26. http://www.heritagepreservation.org/sos ... 06albc.htm.
252. ^ Schwartz, p. 196–199
253. ^ Schauffler, p. xi
254. ^ Peterson p. 263
255. ^ Ferguson, p. 147
256. ^ Scotts U.S. stamp catalogue
257. ^ Carroll, James R. (2009-01-12). "Let the Lincoln bicentennial celebrations begin". The Courier-Journal. http://www.courier-journal.com/article/ ... /901120364. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
258. ^ "The Official Website of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum". Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum. http://www.alplm.com/. Retrieved 2009-09-23.
259. ^ Scotts U.S. Stamp Catalogue
Bibliography
Main article: Bibliography of Abraham Lincoln
* Baker, Jean H. (1989). Mary Todd Lincoln: A Biography. W. W. Norton & Company. ISBN 9780393305869.
* Boritt, Gabor S. (1997). Why the Civil War Came. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195113761. <
* Burkhimer, Michael. One hundred essential Lincoln books (20003), 305 pages; historiography
* Carwardine, Richard (2003). Lincoln. Pearson Education Ltd. ISBN 9780582032798.
* Cox, Hank H. (2005). Lincoln And The Sioux Uprising of 1862. Cumberland House Publ.. ISBN 9781581824575.
* Diggins, John P. (1986). The Lost Soul of American Politics: Virtue, Self-Interest, and the Foundations of Liberalism. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 0226148777.
* Dirck, Brian (2008). Lincoln the Lawyer. University of Illinois Press. ISBN 9780252076145.
* Donald, David Herbert (1996) [1995]. Lincoln. Simon and Schuster. ISBN 9780684825359.
* Donald, David Herbert (2001). Lincoln Reconsidered. Knopf Doubleday Publishing Group. ISBN 9780375725326.
* Edgar, Walter B. (1998). South Carolina: A History. University of South Carolina Press.. ISBN 9781570032554.
* Emerson, James (2007). The Madness of Mary Lincoln. Southern Illinois University Press. ISBN 9780809327713.
* Fehrenbacher, Don E., ed (1989). Lincoln: Speeches and Writings 1859–1865. Library of America. ISBN 0940450631.
* Ferguson, Andrew (2008). Land of Lincoln: Adventures in Abe's America. Grove Press. p. 147. ISBN 9780802143617.
* Foner, Eric (1995) [1970]. Free Soil, Free Labor, Free Men: The Ideology of the Republican Party before the Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195094978.
* Goodwin, Doris Kearns (2005). Team of Rivals: The Political Genius of Abraham Lincoln. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0684824906.
* Grimsley, Mark (2001). The Collapse of the Confederacy. University of Nebraska Press. ISBN 0803221703.
* Guelzo, Allen C. (1999). Abraham Lincoln: Redeemer President. W.B. Eerdmans Pub. Co. ISBN 0-8028-3872-3.
* Guelzo Allen C. Lincoln: a very short introduction (2009), 147 pages
* Harrison, J. Houston (1935). Settlers by the Long Grey Trail. J.K. Reubush.
* Harrison, Lowell Hayes (2000). Lincoln of Kentucky. University Press of Kentucky. ISBN 0813121566.
* Harris, William C. (2007). Lincoln's Rise to the Presidency. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700615209.
* Heidler, David S. and Jeanne T. Heidler, ed (2000). Encyclopedia of the American Civil War: A Political, Social, and Military History. W. W. Norton & Company, Inc.. p. 174. ISBN 9780393047585.
* Holzer, Harold (2004). Lincoln at Cooper Union: The Speech That Made Abraham Lincoln President. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 9780743299640.
* Holzer, Harold; Edna Greene Medford, Frank J. Williams (2006). The Emancipation Proclamation: Three Views (Social, Political, Iconographic). Louisiana State University Press. ISBN 9780807131442.
* Jaffa, Harry V. (2000). A New Birth of Freedom: Abraham Lincoln and the Coming of the Civil War. Rowman & Littlefield. ISBN 0-8476-9952-8.
* Lamb, Brian and Susan Swain, ed (2008). Abraham Lincoln: Great American Historians on Our Sixteenth President. PublicAffairs. ISBN 9781586486761.
* Lincoln, Abraham (2001) [1946]. Basler, Roy Prentice. ed. Abraham Lincoln: His Speeches and Writings. Da Capo Press. ISBN 9780306810756.
* Lincoln, Abraham (1953). Basler, Roy Prentice. ed. Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln (9 vols.). Rutgers University Press. ISBN 9780813501727.
* Lincoln, Abraham (1992). Paul McClelland Angle, Earl Schenck Miers. ed. The Living Lincoln: the Man, his Mind, his Times, and the War he Fought, Reconstructed from his Own Writings. Barnes & Noble Publishing. ISBN 9781566190435.
* Luthin, Reinhard H. (1944). The First Lincoln Campaign. Harvard University Press. ISBN 9780844612928.
* McGovern, George S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln. Macmillan. ISBN 9780805083453.
* Abraham Lincol. Oxford University Press US. 2009. ISBN 9780195374520.
* McPherson, James M. (1992). Abraham Lincoln and the Second American Revolution. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195076066.
* McPherson, James M. (1993). Battle Cry of Freedom: the Civil War Era. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195168952.
* McPherson, James M. (2007) [1996]. Drawn with the Sword: Reflections on the American Civil War. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195117967.
* McPherson, James M. (2008). Tried by War: Abraham Lincoln as Commander in Chief. Penguin Press. ISBN 9781594201912.
* Mansch, Larry D. (2005). Abraham Lincoln, President-Elect: The Four Critical Months from Election to Inauguration. McFarland. ISBN 078642026X.
* Miller, William Lee (2002). Lincoln's Virtues: An Ethical Biography. Alfred A. Knopf. ISBN 0-375-40158-X.
* Mitchell, Thomas G. (2007). Anti-slavery politics in antebellum and Civil War America. Greenwood Publishing Group. ISBN 9780275991685.
* Neely, Mark E. (1992). The Fate of Liberty: Abraham Lincoln and Civil Liberties. Oxford University Press. ISBN 9780195080322.
* Nevins, Allan (1950). Ordeal of the Union; Vol. IV: The Emergence of Lincoln: Prologue to Civil War, 1859–1861. Macmillan Publishing Company. ISBN 9780684104164.
* Nevins, Allan (2000) [1971]. The War for the Union; Vol. I: The Improvised War: 1861–1862. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522968.
* Nevins, Allan (2000) [1971]. The War for the Union; Vol. IV: The Organized War to Victory: 1864–1865. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522999.
* Nevins, Allan (1960). The War for the Union: War becomes revolution, 1862–1863. Konecky & Konecky. ISBN 9781568522975.
* Oates, Stephen B. (1993). With Malice Toward None: a Life of Abraham Lincoln. HarperCollins. ISBN 9780060924713.
* Paludan, Phillip Shaw (1994). The Presidency of Abraham Lincoln. University Press of Kansas. ISBN 9780700606719.
* Peterson, Merrill D. (1995). Lincoln in American Memory. Oxford University Press U.S.. ISBN 9780195096453.
* Potter, David M.; Don Edward Fehrenbacher (1976). The impending crisis, 1848–1861. HarperCollins. ISBN 9780061319297.
* Reinhart, Mark S. (2008). Abraham Lincoln on Screen. McFarland. ISBN 9780786435364.
* Randall, J. G. Lincoln the President (4 vol 1945-55), highly influential multivolume biography
* Sandburg, carl. Abraham Lincoln: The Prairie Years (2 vol 1926) unusually well written narrative by famous poet
* Schwartz, Barry (2009). Abraham Lincoln in the Post-Heroic Era: History and Memory in Late Twentieth-Century America. University of Chicago Press. pp. 196–199. ISBN 9780226741888.
* Swanson, James L. (2006). Manhunt: The 12-Day Chase for Lincoln's Killer. HarperCollins.
* Taranto, James; Leonard Leo. Presidential Leadership: Rating the Best and the Worst in the White House. Simon and Schuster. p. 264. ISBN 9780743254335.
* Thomas, Benjamin P. (2008) [1952]. Abraham Lincoln: A Biography. ISBN 9780809328871.
* Thornton, Brian; Richard W. Donley (2005). 101 Things You Didn't Know about Lincoln: Loves and Losses, Political Power Plays, White House Hauntings. Adams Media. ISBN 9781593373993.
* Vorenberg, Michael (2001). Final Freedom: the Civil War, the Abolition of Slavery, and the Thirteenth Amendment. Cambridge University Press. ISBN 9780521652674.
* White, Jr., Ronald C. (2009). A. Lincoln: A Biography. Random House, Inc.. ISBN 9781400064991.
* Wilentz, Sean, ed. The best American history essays on Lincoln (Organization of American Historians, 2009), 252 pages; famous essays by scholars
* Wills, Garry (1993). Lincoln at Gettysburg: The Words That Remade America. Simon & Schuster. ISBN 0-671-86742-3.
* Wilson, Douglas L. (1999). Honor's Voice: The Transformation of Abraham Lincoln. Knopf Publishing Group. ISBN 9780375703966.
* Zarefsky, David S. (1993). Lincoln, Douglas, and Slavery: in the Crucible of Public Debate. University of Chicago Press. ISBN 9780226978765.
External links
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* Abraham Lincoln Quotes, Facts, Pictures, Biography And Much More
* Abraham Lincoln at the Open Directory Project
* Abraham Lincoln at the Open Directory Project – Speeches and writings
* The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln
* Works by or about Abraham Lincoln in libraries (WorldCat catalog)
* Photographs of Abraham Lincoln
* Abraham Lincoln at the Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
* Mr. Lincoln's Virtual Library
* Poetry written by Abraham Lincoln
* Lincoln quotes collected by Roger Norton
* The Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum Springfield, Illinois
* President Lincoln's Cottage
* US PATNo. 6,469—Manner of Buoying Vessels—A. Lincoln—1849
* National Park Service Abraham Lincoln birthplace (includes good early history)
* National Endowment for the Humanities Spotlight – Abraham Lincoln
* The Abraham Lincoln Bicentennial Commission
* Lincoln/Net: Abraham Lincoln Historical Digitization Project, Northern Illinois University Libraries
* Abraham Lincoln: A Resource Guide from the Library of Congress
* Essay on Abraham Lincoln and shorter essays on each member of his cabinet and First Lady from the Miller Center of Public Affairs
* The Entire Writings of Lincoln including an introduction by Theodore Roosevelt
Political offices
Preceded by
James Buchanan President of the United States
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865 Succeeded by
Andrew Johnson
United States House of Representatives
Preceded by
John Henry Member of the U.S. House of Representatives
from Illinois's 7th congressional district
March 4, 1847 – March 4, 1849 Succeeded by
Thomas L. Harris
Party political offices
Preceded by
John C. Frémont Republican Party presidential candidate
1860, 1864 Succeeded by
Ulysses S. Grant
Honorary titles
Preceded by
Henry Clay Persons who have lain in state or honor
in the United States Capitol rotunda
April 19–21, 1865 Succeeded by
Thaddeus Stevens
P.S. - É favor não avacalhar o tópico
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Abraham Lincoln
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
16th President of the United States
In office
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865
Vice President Hannibal Hamlin (1861–1865)
Andrew Johnson (1865)
Preceded by James Buchanan
Succeeded by Andrew Johnson
Member of the
US House of Representatives from Illinois' 7th District
In office
March 4, 1847 – March 3, 1849
Preceded by John Henry
Succeeded by Thomas L. Harris
Born February 12, 1809(1809-02-12)
Hardin County, Kentucky
Died April 15, 1865 (aged 56)
Washington, D.C.
Resting place Oak Ridge Cemetery
Springfield, Illinois
39°49′24″N 89°39′21″W / 39.82333°N 89.65583°W / 39.82333; -89.65583
Nationality American
Political party Whig (1832–1854)
Republican (1854–1865)
Spouse(s) Mary Todd Lincoln
Children Robert Todd Lincoln
Edward Lincoln
Willie Lincoln
Tad Lincoln
Occupation Lawyer, Politician
Religion See: Abraham Lincoln and religion
Signature Cursive signature in ink
Military service
Service/branch Illinois Militia
Years of service 1832
Battles/wars Black Hawk War
Abraham Lincoln (February 12, 1809 – April 15, 1865) served as the 16th President of the United States from March 1861 until his assassination in April 1865. He successfully led the country through its greatest internal crisis, the American Civil War, preserving the Union, ending slavery, and rededicating the nation to nationalism, equal rights, liberty and democracy. Reared in a poor family on the western frontier, he was mostly self-educated and became a country lawyer, an Illinois state legislator, and a one-term member of the United States House of Representatives, but failed in two attempts at a seat in the United States Senate. He was an affectionate, though often absent, husband, and father of four children.
As an outspoken opponent of the expansion of slavery in the United States,[1] Lincoln won the first Republican nomination and was elected president in 1860. As president he concentrated on the military and political dimensions of the war effort, always seeking to reunify the nation after the secession of the eleven Confederate States of America. He vigorously exercised unprecedented war powers, including the arrest and detention, without trial, of thousands of suspected secessionists. He issued his Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, and promoted the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, abolishing slavery. Six days after the surrender of the main Confederate forces, Lincoln was assassinated, the first President to suffer such a fate.
Lincoln closely supervised the war effort, especially the selection of top generals, including Ulysses S. Grant. He brought leaders of various factions of both parties into his cabinet and pressured them to cooperate. He defused a confrontation with Britain in the Trent affair late in 1861. Under his leadership, the Union took control of the border slave states at the start of the war, and tried repeatedly to capture the Confederate capital at Richmond; each time a General failed, Lincoln substituted another, until finally Grant succeeded in 1865. A shrewd politician deeply involved with patronage and power issues in each state, he managed his own reelection in the 1864 presidential election.
Lincoln, the leader of the moderate faction of the Republican party, came under heavy sustained attack from the Radical Republicans, who wanted harsher treatment of the South, from Democrats who wanted more compromise, and from the seccessionists who saw him as their great enemy.[2] Lincoln fought back with patronage, by pairing his opponents against each other and by appealing over their heads to the American people, using his powers of oratory,[3][4] in particular, with the Gettysburg Address of 1863 which, although short, became one of the most quoted speeches in history. It became an iconic statement of America's dedication to the principles of nationalism, equal rights, liberty and democracy. At the close of the war, Lincoln held a moderate view of Reconstruction, seeking to speedily reunite the nation through a policy of generous reconciliation. Lincoln has consistently been ranked by scholars as one of the greatest of the U.S. Presidents.
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Childhood and education
* 2 Marriage and family
* 3 Early career and military service
* 4 Early national politics
* 5 Prairie lawyer
* 6 Republican politics 1854–1860
o 6.1 Lincoln–Douglas debates and Cooper Union speech
o 6.2 1860 Presidential nomination and election
* 7 Presidency
o 7.1 1860 Election
o 7.2 Secession winter 1860–1861
o 7.3 War begins
o 7.4 Assuming command for the Union in the war
o 7.5 Fighting with McClellan and on to Gettysburg
o 7.6 Gettysburg Address
o 7.7 General Grant
o 7.8 Emancipation Proclamation
o 7.9 1864 Reelection
o 7.10 Second Inaugural Address
o 7.11 Reconstruction
o 7.12 Redefining Republicanism
o 7.13 Domestic measures
o 7.14 Administration, cabinet and Supreme Court appointments 1861–1865
o 7.15 States admitted to the Union
* 8 Assassination
* 9 Religious and philosophical beliefs
* 10 Legacy and memorials
* 11 See also
* 12 References
* 13 External links
Childhood and education
Abraham Lincoln (no middle name[5] ) was born on February 12, 1809, the second child to Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Lincoln (née Hanks), in a one-room log cabin on the Sinking Spring Farm in southeast Hardin County, Kentucky[6] (now LaRue County). His older sister, Sarah (Grigsby), died while giving birth at a young age. He is descended from Samuel Lincoln, who arrived in Hingham, Massachusetts, from Norfolk, England, in the 17th century.[7] His grandfather and namesake Abraham Lincoln, a substantial landholder, moved from Virginia to Kentucky, where he was ambushed and killed by an Indian raid in 1786, with his children Mordecai, Josiah, and Thomas looking on.[8] Mordecai's marksmanship with a rifle saved Thomas from the same fate. As the eldest son, Mordecai by law inherited his father's entire estate.[9]
Thomas became a poor but respected citizen of rural Kentucky. He bought and sold several farms, including the Sinking Spring Farm. The family belonged to a Separate Baptists church, which had high moral standards and opposed alcohol, dancing, and slavery[10] , though Lincoln himself never joined a church.[11] In 1816, the Lincoln family lost their lands because of a faulty title and made a new start in Perry County, Indiana (now Spencer County). Lincoln later noted that this move was "partly on account of slavery" but mainly due to land title difficulties.[12]
A log house on display inside a larger building.
Symbolic log cabin at the Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historical Park
When Lincoln was nine, his 34-year-old mother died of milk sickness. Soon after, his father married Sarah Bush Johnston, with whom Lincoln became very close and whom he called "Mother".[13] But he became increasingly distant from his father. Lincoln regretted his father's lack of education, and did not like the hard labor associated with frontier life. Still, he willingly took responsibility for all chores expected of him as a male in the household. Lincoln also agreed with the customary obligation of a son to give his father all earnings from work done outside the home until age 21.[14] In later years, he occasionally loaned his father money.[15]
In 1830, fearing a milk-sickness outbreak, the family settled on public land in Macon County, Illinois.[16] Then in 1831, when his father relocated the family to a new homestead in Coles County, Illinois, 22-year-old Lincoln struck out on his own, canoeing down the Sangamon River to the village of New Salem in Sangamon County.[17] In spring 1831. hired by New Salem businessman Denton Offutt and accompanied by friends, he took goods by flatboat from New Salem to New Orleans via the Sangamon, Illinois, and Mississippi rivers; after finishing in New Orleans—and witnessing slavery first hand—he walked back home.[18]
Lincoln's formal education consisted of about 18 months of classes from several itinerant teachers; he was mostly self-educated and was an avid reader.[19] Very tall and strong, young Lincoln was handy with an axe and became a talented local wrestler, which imbued him with self-confidence. He was not a hard worker during his teens; indeed, family and neighbors often called him lazy.[20][21] Lincoln avoided hunting and fishing out of an aversion to killing animals.[22]
Marriage and family
Further information: Mary Todd Lincoln; Sexuality of Abraham Lincoln; Medical and mental health of Abraham Lincoln
Black and white photo of Mary Todd Lincoln's shoulders and head
Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of Abraham Lincoln, age 28
Lincoln's first romantic interest was Ann Rutledge, whom he met when he first moved to New Salem; by 1835, they had reached an amorous understanding, if not a formal engagement. Ann wanted to advise a former love before "consummating the engagement to Mr. L. with marriage". Rutledge died, however, on August 25, probably of typhoid fever.[23]
In the early 1830s, he met Mary Owens from Kentucky when she was visiting her sister. Late in 1836, Lincoln agreed to a match with Mary if she returned to New Salem. Mary did return in November 1836, and Lincoln courted her for a time; however they both had second thoughts about their relationship. On August 16, 1837, Lincoln wrote Mary a letter from his law practice in Springfield, suggesting he would not blame her if she ended the relationship. She never replied, and the courtship was over.[24]
In 1840, Lincoln became engaged to Mary Todd, who was from a wealthy slave-holding family in Lexington, Kentucky.[25] They met in Springfield in December 1839,[26] and were engaged sometime around that Christmas.[27] A wedding was set for January 1, 1841, but the couple split as the wedding approached.[26] They later met at a party, and then married on November 4, 1842, in the Springfield mansion of Mary's married sister.[28] While preparing for the nuptials and having cold feet yet again, Lincoln, when asked where he was going, replied, "To hell, I suppose".[29]
In 1844, the couple bought a house in Springfield near Lincoln's law office.[30] Mary Lincoln worked diligently in their home, assuming household duties which had been performed for her in her own family. She struggled as well to make the most of the austere finances of a prairie lawyer quite obsessed with his work.[31] One evening, Mary asked Lincoln four times to restart the fire and, getting no reaction, as he was absorbed in his reading, she grabbed a piece of firewood and rapped him on the head.[32] The Lincolns had a budding family, with the birth of Robert Todd Lincoln in 1843, and Edward Baker Lincoln in 1846. According to a house girl, Abraham "was remarkably fond of children"[33] and the Lincolns were not thought to be disciplinarian with their children.[34]
A seated Lincoln holding a book as his young son looks at it
1864 Mathew Brady photo depicts President Lincoln reading a book with his youngest son, Tad
Robert was the only child of the Lincolns to survive to adulthood. Edward Lincoln died on February 1, 1850, in Springfield, likely of tuberculosis.[35] The Lincolns' grief over this loss was somewhat assuaged by the birth of William "Willie" Wallace Lincoln nearly 11 months later, on December 21. But Willie himself died of a fever at the age of 11 on February 20, 1862, in Washington, D.C., during President Lincoln's first term.[36] The Lincolns' fourth son Thomas "Tad" Lincoln was born on April 4, 1853 and outlived his father, but died at the age of 18 on July 16, 1871, in Chicago.[37]
The death of the their sons had profound effects on both the parents. Later in life, Mary struggled with the stresses of losing her husband and sons; Robert Lincoln had to commit her to a mental health asylum in 1875.[38] Abraham Lincoln suffered from "melancholy", a condition which now may be referred to as clinical depression.[39]
Early career and military service
Main articles: Abraham Lincoln's early life and career and Abraham Lincoln in the Black Hawk War
Thin man looking to the right wearing a bow tie.
Sketch of a young Abraham Lincoln
At age 23, Lincoln began his political career in 1832 with a campaign for the Illinois General Assembly. He had achieved a reputation as an esteemed raconteur in New Salem, though he lacked an education, powerful friends, and money. He advocated navigational improvements on the Sangamon River.[40] Before the election he served briefly as a captain in the Illinois militia during the Black Hawk War, although he never saw combat. Lincoln returned from the militia and was able to campaign for the August 6 election. At 6 feet 4 inches (1.93 m), he was tall and "strong enough to intimidate any rival". At his first speech, he grabbed an antagonist by his "neck and the seat of his trousers" and threw him. Lincoln finished eighth out of 13 candidates (the top four were elected), though he got 277 of the 300 votes cast in the New Salem precinct.[41]
Lincoln served as New Salem's postmaster and then, after more dedicated self-study, as county surveyor.[42] In 1834, he won election to the state legislature after a bipartisan campaign, though he ran as Whig.[43] He then decided to become a lawyer, and began teaching himself law by reading Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England and other masters. Lincoln's description of his learning method was: "I studied with nobody".[44] Admitted to the bar in 1837, he moved to Springfield, Illinois, that April,[45] and began to practice law under John T. Stuart, Mary Todd's cousin.[46] Lincoln became an able and successful lawyer with a reputation as a formidable adversary during cross-examinations and closing arguments. In 1841, he partnered with Stephen Logan until 1844, when he began his practice with William Herndon, whom Lincoln thought "a studious young man".[47] He served four successive terms in the Illinois House of Representatives as a Whig representative from Sangamon County.[48]
In the 1835–1836 legislative session, he voted to continue the restriction on suffrage to white males only, but removed the condition of land ownership.[49] [50] He was known for his "free soil" stance of opposing both slavery and abolitionism. He said in 1837 that the "institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy, but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils".[51] This was the first time he had publicly opposed slavery.[52] Until late in his presidency, Lincoln, perplexed by the insoluble problem of slavery, articulated a preference for colonization of the slaves, on a voluntary basis, to Liberia. This was despite strong opposition to the infeasible idea from people on both sides of the issue.[53]
Early national politics
Middle aged clean shaven Lincoln from the hips up.
Lincoln in 1846 or 1847
From the early 1830s, Lincoln was a steadfast Whig and professed to friends in 1861, "I have always been an old-line Henry Clay Whig".[54] The party favored economic modernization in banking, railroads, and internal improvements, and supported urbanization as well as protective tariffs, and no one was more enthusiastic than Lincoln.[55]
In 1846, Lincoln was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served one two-year term.[56] He was the only Whig in the Illinois delegation, but showed his party loyalty, showing up for almost all votes and making speeches that echoed the party line.[57] Lincoln developed a plan to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, with compensation for the owners and a popular vote on the matter, but dropped it when he could not get enough Whig supporters. [58] He used his office as an opportunity to speak out against the Mexican–American War, which he attributed to President Polk's desire for "military glory—that attractive rainbow, that rises in showers of blood".[59]
Lincoln articulated his opposition to Polk by drafting and introducing his Spot Resolutions. The war had begun with a violent confrontation on territory disputed by Mexico and the U.S. but Polk insisted that Mexican soldiers had "invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil".[60] [61] Lincoln demanded that Polk show Congress the exact spot on which blood had been shed, and prove that the spot was on American soil.[61] Congress never enacted the resolution or even debated it, the national papers ignored it, and it resulted in a loss of political support for Lincoln in his district. One Illinois newspaper derisively nicknamed him "spotty Lincoln".[62][63] [64]
Realizing Clay was unlikely to win the presidency, Lincoln endorsed war hero General Zachary Taylor for the Whig nomination in the 1848 presidential election.[65] Some of Lincoln's statements he would later regret, especially his attack on the presidential war-making powers.[66] Taylor won and Lincoln wanted to be Commissioner of the General Land Office, but that lucrative patronage job went to a rival in Illinois. The administration offered him the consolation prize of secretary or governor of the Oregon Territory. That was a Democratic stronghold and acceptance would end his legal and political career in Illinois, so the embittered Whig declined.[67]
Prairie lawyer
Lincoln returned to practicing law in Springfield, handling "every kind of business that could come before a prairie lawyer".[68] For 16 years he "rode the circuit", twice a year for 10 weeks at a time, appearing in county seats in the mid-state region when the county courts were in session.[69] Lincoln handled many transportation cases in the midst of the nation's western expansion, particularly the conflicts arising from the operation of river barges under the many new railroad bridges. As a riverboat man, Lincoln initially favored those interests, but ultimately he represented whoever hired him. His reputation grew, and he appeared before the Supreme Court of the United States, arguing a case involving a canal boat that sank after hitting a bridge.[70] In 1849, he received a patent for a "device to buoy vessels over shoals", or ballast tanks.[71] The idea was never commercialized, but Lincoln is the only president to hold a patent.[72]
In 1851, he represented Alton & Sangamon Railroad in a dispute with one of its shareholders, James A. Barret, who had refused to pay the balance on his pledge to buy shares in the railroad, on the grounds that the company had changed its original train route.[73] [74] Lincoln successfully argued that the railroad company was not bound by its original charter in existence at the time of Barret's pledge; the charter was amended in the public interest, to provide a newer, superior and less expensive route, and the corporation retained the right to demand Mr. Barret's payment. The decision by the Illinois Supreme Court has been cited by numerous other courts in the nation.[73] Lincoln appeared before the Illinois Supreme Court 175 times, 51 times as sole counsel, of which, 31 were decided in his favor.[75]
Lincoln's most notable criminal trial came in 1858 when he defended William "Duff" Armstrong, who was on trial for the murder of James Preston Metzker.[76] The case is famous for Lincoln's use of a fact established by judicial notice in order to challenge an eyewitness' credibility. After an opposing witness testified seeing the crime in the moonlight, Lincoln produced a Farmers' Almanac showing the moon was at a low angle, drastically reducing visibility. Based on this evidence, Armstrong was acquitted.[76] Lincoln rarely raised objections in the courtroom. However, in another celebrated case in 1859, where he defended Peachy Harrison, accused of stabbing another to death, Lincoln angrily protested the judge's decision to exclude evidence favorable to his client. Instead of Lincoln's being held in contempt of court as was expected, the judge (a Democrat) reversed his ruling, allowed the evidence and Harrison was acquitted.[76] Unbeknown to Lincoln, this client was a cousin, through Lincoln's father.[77]
Republican politics 1854–1860
Lincoln returned to politics, in opposition to the pro-slavery Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), which repealed the slavery-restricting Missouri Compromise (1820). Senior Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois incorporated popular sovereignty into the Act, and thus mandated that the people have the right to determine locally whether to allow slavery in their territory, rather than have such a decision imposed on them by the national Congress.[78]
Head shot of older, clean shaven Lincoln
Lincoln in 1860
On October 16, 1854, in his "Peoria Speech," Lincoln declared his opposition to slavery which he repeated en route to the presidency.[79] Speaking with a very powerful voice and an accent native to his home Kentucky,[80] he said the Kansas Act had, a "'declared' indifference, but as I must think, a covert 'real' zeal for the spread of slavery. I cannot but hate it. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world...".[81]
In late 1854, Lincoln decided to run as a Whig for an Illinois seat in the United States Senate (which was at that time elected by the state legislature).[82] After leading in the first six rounds of voting in the Illinois assembly, once his support began to dwindle, Lincoln instructed his backers to vote for Lyman Trumbull, who thus defeated the pro Kansas-Nebraska candidate, Joel Aldrich Matteson.[83] The Whigs had been irreparably split by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Lincoln said, "I think I am a Whig, but others say there are no Whigs, and that I am an abolitionist, even though I do no more than oppose the extension of slavery." Drawing on remnants of the old Whig party, and on disenchanted Free Soil, Liberty, and Democratic party members, he was instrumental in forging the shape of the new Republican Party.[84] At the Republican convention in 1856, Lincoln placed second in the contest to become the party's candidate for Vice-President.[85]
In 1857–58, Douglas broke with President Buchanan, leading to a fight for control of the Democratic Party. Some eastern Republicans even favored the reelection of Douglas for the Senate in 1858, since he had led the opposition to the Lecompton Constitution, which would have admitted Kansas as a slave state.[86] In March 1857, the Supreme Court issued its controversial pro-slavery decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford; Chief Justice Taney opined that blacks were not citizens, and derived no rights under the Declaration of Independence or Constitution. Lincoln, though strong in his disagreement with the Court's opinion, was as a lawyer unequivocal in his deference to the Court's authority. Lincoln historian David Herbert Donald provides Lincoln's immediate reaction to the decision, showing his evolving position on slavery: "The authors of the Declaration of Independence never intended 'to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral developments, or social capacity', but they 'did consider all men created equal—equal in certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness'." [87] After the state Republican party convention nominated him for the U.S. Senate in 1858 (the second instance of this in the country), Lincoln then delivered his famous speech: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand'.(Mark 3:25) I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other".[88] [89] The speech created an evocative image of the danger of disunion caused by the slavery debate, and rallied Republicans across the north.[90] The stage was then set for the campaign for statewide election of the Illinois legislature which would in turn select Lincoln or Douglas as its U.S. Senator.
4 cent stamp with a drawing of Lincoln giving a speech to a crowd.
US Postage, 1958 issue, commemorating the Lincoln and Douglas debates
Lincoln–Douglas debates and Cooper Union speech
The 1858 campaign featured the seven Lincoln–Douglas debates of 1858, generally considered the most famous political debate in American history.[91] The principals stood in stark contrast both physically and politically. Lincoln warned that "The Slave Power" was threatening the values of republicanism, and accused Douglas of distorting the values of the Founding Fathers that all men are created equal, while Douglas emphasized his Freeport Doctrine, that local settlers were free to choose whether to allow slavery or not, and accused Lincoln of having joined the abolitionists.[92]
Though the Republican legislative candidates won more popular votes, the Democrats won more seats, and the legislature reelected Douglas to the Senate. Despite the bitterness of the defeat for Lincoln, his articulation of the issues gave him a national political reputation.[93] In May 1859, Lincoln purchased the Illinois Staats-Anzeiger, a German-language newspaper which was consistently supportive; most of the state's 130,000 German Americans voted Democratic but there was Republican support that a German-language paper could mobilize.[94]
On February 27, 1860, New York party leaders invited Lincoln to give a speech at Cooper Union to a group of powerful Republicans. Lincoln argued that the Founding Fathers had little use for popular sovereignty and had repeatedly sought to restrict slavery. Lincoln insisted the moral foundation of the Republicans required opposition to slavery, and rejected any "groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong".[95] Despite his inelegant appearance, Lincoln demonstrated an intellectual leadership that brought him into the front ranks of the party and into contention for the Republican presidential nomination. Journalist Noah Brooks reported, "No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience."[96] Donald described the speech as a "superb political move for an unannounced candidate, to appear in one rival's (William H. Seward) own state at an event sponsored by the second rival's (Salmon P. Chase) loyalists, while not mentioning either by name during its delivery".[97] In response to an inquiry about his presidential intentions, Lincoln said, "The taste is in my mouth a little."[98]
1860 Presidential nomination and election
Main article: United States presidential election, 1860
Lincoln being carried by two men on a long board.
"The Rail Candidate"—Lincoln's 1860 candidacy is held up by the slavery issue (slave on left) and party organization (New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley on right)
On May 9–10, 1860, the Illinois Republican State Convention was held in Decatur.[99] Lincoln's followers organized a campaign team led by David Davis, Norman Judd, Leonard Swett and Jesse DuBois and Lincoln received his first endorsement to run for the presidency.[100] Tapping on the distorted legend of his pioneering days with his father, Lincoln's supporters adopted the label of "The Rail Candidate".[101] On May 18, at the 1860 Republican National Convention in Chicago, Lincoln became the Republican candidate on the third ballot, beating candidates such as William H. Seward and Salmon P. Chase.[102] Former Democrat Hannibal Hamlin of Maine received the nomination for Vice President to balance the ticket. Lincoln's nomination has been attributed in part to his moderate views on slavery, as well as his support of internal improvements and the protective tariff. In terms of the actual balloting, Pennsylvania put him over the top. Lincoln's managers had been adroitly focused on this delegation as well as the others, while following Lincoln's strong dictate to "Make no contracts that bind me."[103]
Most Republicans agreed with Lincoln that the North was the aggrieved party[104] of the Slave Power, as it tightened its grasp on the national government with the Dred Scott decision and the presidency of James Buchanan. Throughout the 1850s, Lincoln doubted the prospects of civil war, and his supporters rejected claims that his election would incite secession.[105] Meanwhile, Douglas was selected as the candidate of the northern Democrats, with Herschel Vespasian Johnson as the vice-presidential candidate. Delegates from 11 slave states walked out of the Democratic convention, disagreeing with Douglas's position on popular sovereignty, and ultimately selected John C. Breckinridge as their candidate.[106]
As Douglas and the other candidates stumped the country, Lincoln was the only one of them who gave no speeches. Instead, he monitored the campaign closely and relied on the enthusiasm of the Republican Party. The party did the leg work that produced majorities across the North, and produced an abundance of campaign posters, leaflets, and newspaper editorials.[107] There were thousands of Republican speakers who focused first on the party platform, and second on Lincoln's life story, emphasizing his childhood poverty. The goal was to demonstrate the superior power of "free labor", whereby a common farm boy could work his way to the top by his own efforts.[108] The Republican Party's production of campaign literature dwarfed the combined opposition; a Chicago Tribune writer produced a pamphlet that detailed Lincoln's life, and sold one million copies.[109]
Presidency
1860 Election
Map of the U.S. showing Lincoln winning the Northeast and West, Breckinridge winning the South, Douglas winning Missouri, and Bell winning Virginia, West Virginia, and Kentucky.
1860 presidential election results
On November 6, 1860, Lincoln was elected as the 16th President of the United States, beating Democrat Stephen A. Douglas, John C. Breckinridge of the Southern Democrats, and John Bell of the new Constitutional Union Party. He was the first Republican president, winning entirely on the strength of his support in the North: he was not even on the ballot in 10 states in the South, and won only two of 996 counties in all the Southern states.[110] Lincoln received 1,866,452 votes, Douglas 1,376,957 votes, Breckinridge 849,781 votes, and Bell 588,789 votes. The electoral vote was decisive: Lincoln had 180 and his opponents added together had only 123. Turnout was 82.2%, with Lincoln winning the free northern states. Douglas won Missouri, and split New Jersey with Lincoln.[111] Bell won Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and Breckinridge won the rest of the South.[112] There were fusion tickets in which all of Lincoln's opponents combined to form one ticket in New York, New Jersey and Rhode Island, but even if the anti-Lincoln vote had been combined in every state, Lincoln still would have won with a majority in the electoral college.[113]
Secession winter 1860–1861
Main articles: Baltimore Plot and Cornerstone Speech
As Lincoln's election became more evident, secessionists made clear their intent to leave the Union.[114] On December 20, 1860, South Carolina took the lead; by February 1, 1861, Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed.[115] [116] The seven states soon declared themselves to be a sovereign nation, the Confederate States of America.[115] The upper South (Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas) listened to, but initially rejected, the secessionist appeal.[117] President Buchanan and President-elect Lincoln refused to recognize the Confederacy.[118] There were attempts at compromise, such as the Crittenden Compromise which would have extended the free slavery Missouri line of 1820,[119] and which some Republicans even supported; Lincoln rejected the idea, saying, "I will suffer death before I consent...to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege to take possession of this government to which we have a constitutional right."[120]
Lincoln, however, did support the Corwin Amendment to the Constitution, which had passed in Congress and protected slavery in those states where it already existed.[121] A few short weeks before the war, he went so far as to pen a letter to every governor asking for their support in ratifying the Corwin Amendment as a means to avoid secession.[122]
A large crowd in front of a large building with many pillars.
A photograph of the March 4, 1861 inauguration of Abraham Lincoln in front of United States Capitol
En route to his inauguration, President-elect Lincoln evaded possible assassins in Baltimore, who were uncovered by Lincoln's head of security, Allan Pinkerton, and on February 23, 1861, arrived in disguise in Washington, D.C., which was placed under substantial military security.[123]
Lincoln directing his inaugural speech to the South, said, "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies....The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."[124]
By the time Lincoln took office, the Confederacy was an established fact,[115] and no leaders of the insurrection proposed rejoining the Union on any terms; the Confederacy selected Jefferson Davis on February 9, 1861, as their provisional President.[125] The failure of the Peace Conference of 1861 rendered legislative compromise practically implausible. Lincoln and nearly every Republican leader by March 1861 agreed the Union could not be dismantled.[126]
War begins
Main article: American Civil War
The commander of Ft. Sumter, S.C. sent a request for provisions to Washington, and the execution of Lincoln's order to meet that request was seen by the secessionists as an act of war.[127] On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces fired on Union troops at Fort Sumter, forced them to surrender and thus the war began.[128] Historian Allan Nevins argued that the newly inaugurated Lincoln miscalculated in believing that he could preserve the Union,[129] and future general William Tecumseh Sherman, then a civilian, visited Lincoln in the White House during inauguration week and was "sadly disappointed" at Lincoln's seeming failure to realize that "the country was sleeping on a volcano" and the South was "'preparing for war'".[130] Donald concluded Lincoln fairly estimated the events leading to the initiation of war. "His repeated efforts to avoid collision in the months between inauguration and the firing on Ft. Sumter showed he adhered to his vow not to be the first to shed fraternal blood. But he also vowed not to surrender the forts. The only resolution of these contradictory positions was for the confederates to fire the first shot; they did just that."[127]
On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to send detachments totaling 75,000 troops[131] to recapture forts, protect the capital, and "preserve the Union", which in his view still existed intact despite the actions of the seceding states.[132] These events forced the states to choose sides. Virginia declared its secession, after which the Confederate capital was moved from Montgomery to Richmond. North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas also voted for secession over the next two months. Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland threatened secession,[131] but neither they nor the slave state of Delaware seceded.
Troops headed south towards Washington, D.C. to protect the capital in response to Lincoln's call. On April 19, angry secessionist mobs in Baltimore that controlled the rail links attacked Union troops traveling to the capital. George William Brown, the Mayor of Baltimore, and other suspect Maryland politicians were arrested and imprisoned as Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus.[133] John Merryman, a leader in the secessionist group in Maryland asked Chief Justice Roger Taney to issue a writ of habeas corpus which he did, saying Lincoln's action of holding Merryman without a hearing was unlawful. Lincoln ignored it.[134]
Assuming command for the Union in the war
Main article: Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War
A group of men sitting at a table as another man creates money on a wooden machine.
"Running the 'Machine'": An 1864 political cartoon featuring Lincoln; William Fessenden, Edwin Stanton, William Seward, and Gideon Welles take a swing at the Lincoln administration
As Commander in Chief, Lincoln confronted in the war an unprecedented crisis, and he responded, using unprecedented powers which no President had wielded. He used his war powers to impose a blockade, to disburse funds before appropriation by Congress, and to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, arresting and imprisoning thousands of suspected Confederate sympathizers without warrant.[135]
The war effort was the source of continued disparagement of Lincoln from every direction, and occupied most of his time and attention, while he also mourned the death of son Willie. From the start it was clear that bipartisan support would be essential to success in the war effort, and any manner of compromise alienated factions on both sides of the aisle, such as the appointment of Republicans and Democrats to command positions in the Union Army.[136] Copperheads and other opponents of the war criticized Lincoln for refusing to compromise on the slavery issue. Conversely, the Radical Republicans criticized him for moving too slowly in abolishing slavery.[137]
In August 1861, General John Fremont in Missouri, created controversy on the Republican side when he issued, without consulting Lincoln, a proclamation of martial law in the entire state. He declared that any citizen found bearing arms could be court-martialed and shot, and that slaves of persons aiding the rebellion would be freed. Charges of negligence in his command of the Department of the West were compounded with allegations of fraud and corruption. Lincoln's efforts to reign him in were futile, and he was given another command in November. This decision in large part prevented the secession of Kentucky while incurring the wrath of many in the North.[138]
The war assumed foreign policy implications in 1861 when James Mason and John Slidell, ministers of the Confederacy to Great Britain and France, boarded the British ship Trent in Havana, Cuba. The U.S. Navy illegally intercepted the Trent on the high seas and seized the two Confederate envoys; Britain protested vehemently while American public opinion cheered. Lincoln managed to resolve the issue by releasing the two men.[139]
Lincoln's foreign policy approach had been initially hands off, due to his inexperience; he left most diplomacy appointments and other foreign policy matters to his Secretary of State, William Seward. Seward's initial reaction to the Trent affair however, was too bellicose, so Lincoln from that time also turned to Sen. Charles Sumner, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and an expert in British diplomacy.[140]
Despite his lack of expertise in military affairs, Lincoln studied books from the Library of Congress and devoured the telegraphic reports, keeping close tabs on all phases of the military effort and making a special effort to consult with governors and to select generals in terms of their past success. In January 1862, after numerous complaints about the running of the War Department, Lincoln dismissed the inept Secretary Simon Cameron and replaced him with Edwin Stanton, a reputedly superb leader.[141] In terms of war strategy, Lincoln articulated two priorities: to ensure that Washington was well defended; and to conduct an aggressive war effort that would satisfy the demand in the North for prompt, decisive victory; indeed, major northern newspaper editors expected victory within 90 days.[142] Two days a week, Lincoln would meet with his cabinet in the afternoon, and occasionally his wife would force him to take a carriage ride because she was concerned he was working too hard.[143] Lincoln grasped the need to control strategic points (such as the Mississippi River and the fortress city of Vicksburg), and understood the importance of defeating the enemy's army, rather than simply capturing territory.[144]
Fighting with McClellan and on to Gettysburg
One of Lincoln's Democrat commanders, General George B. McClellan was proven incapable of taking the offensive in the conduct of the war as Lincoln desired. He became general-in-chief of all the Union armies in the wake of a surprising Union defeat at the First Battle of Bull Run and after the retirement of the aged Winfield Scott in late 1861.[145] McClellan, a young West Point graduate and railroad executive, took several months to plan and attempt his Peninsula Campaign, with the objective of capturing Richmond by moving the Army of the Potomac by boat to the peninsula and then overland to Richmond. McClellan's repeated delays frustrated Lincoln and Congress, as did his position that no troops were needed to defend Washington. Lincoln insisted on holding some of McClellan's troops in defense of the capital; McClellan, who consistently overestimated the strength of Confederate troops, blamed this decision for the ultimate failure of the Peninsula Campaign.[146]
Lincoln removed McClellan as general-in-chief (i.e. chief strategist) and appointed Henry Wager Halleck, after McClellan's Harrison's Landing Letter, in which he offered unsolicited political advice to Lincoln, urging caution in the war effort.[147] McClellan's letter incensed Radical Republicans, who successfully pressured Lincoln to appoint John Pope, a Republican, as head of the new Army of Virginia. Pope complied with Lincoln's strategic desire to move toward Richmond from the north, thus protecting the capital from attack. However, lacking requested reinforcements from McClellan, Pope was soundly defeated at the Second Battle of Bull Run in the summer of 1862, forcing the Army of the Potomac to defend Washington for a second time.[148] Meanwhile the war also expanded with naval operations in 1862 when the CSS Virginia, formerly the USS Merrimack, damaged or destroyed three Union vessels in Norfolk before being engaged and damaged by the USS Monitor. Lincoln closely reviewed the dispatches and interrogated naval officers concerning the naval engagements.[149]
Despite his dissatisfaction with McClellan's failure to reinforce Pope, Lincoln was desperate, and restored him to command of all forces around Washington, to the dismay of all in his cabinet but Seward.[150] Two days after McClellan's return to command, General Lee's forces crossed the Potomac River into Maryland, leading to the Battle of Antietam (September 1862).[151] The ensuing Union victory, one of the bloodiest in American history, enabled Lincoln to announce that he would issue an Emancipation Proclamation in January. He had actually written this some time earlier but could not issue it in the wake of previous military defeats.[152] McClellan then resisted the President's demand that he pursue Lee's retreating and exposed army, while his counterpart General Don Carlos Buell likewise refused orders to move the Army of the Ohio against rebel forces in eastern Tennessee. As a result, Lincoln replaced Buell with William Rosecrans; and, after the 1862 midterm elections, he replaced McClellan with Republican Ambrose Burnside. Both of these replacements were political moderates and prospectively more supportive of the Commander in Chief.[153]
But Burnside, against the advice of the president, prematurely launched an offensive across the Rappahannock River and was stunningly defeated by Lee at Fredericksburg in December. Not only had Burnside been defeated on the battlefield, discontent and bad discipline was rampant among his soldiers. The average monthly desertion rate during 1863 was 4,650, and it soared after Fredericksburg. Lincoln brought in Joseph Hooker, despite his history of loose talk about a military dictatorship.[154]
The mid-term elections in 1862 brought the Republicans severe losses due to sharp disfavor with the Administration over its failure to deliver a speedy end to the war, as well as rising inflation, high new taxes, rumors of corruption, the suspension of habeas corpus, the draft law, and fears that freed slaves would undermine the labor market. The Emancipation Proclamation announced in September gained votes in Yankee areas of New England and the upper Midwest, but it lost votes in the ethnic cities and the lower Midwest. While Republicans were discouraged, Democrats were energized and did especially well in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and New York. The Republicans did maintain their majorities in Congress and in the major states, except New York. The Cincinnati Gazette contended that the voters, "are depressed by the interminable nature of this war, as so far conducted, and by the rapid exhaustion of the national resources without progress".[155]
In the spring of 1863, Lincoln was optimistic about a group of upcoming battle plans, to the point of thinking the end of the war could be near if a string of victories could be put together; these plans included Hooker's attack on Lee north of Richmond, Rosecrans' on Chattanooga, Grant's on Vicksburg and a naval assault on Charleston. The Commander in Chief became despondent when none of these plans, at least initially, succeeded.[156]
Hooker was routed by Lee at the Battle of Chancellorsville in May[157] but continued to command his troops for some weeks. He ignored Lincoln's order to divide his troops, and possibly force Lee to do the same in Harper's Ferry, and tendered his resignation, which was accepted. He was replaced by George Meade who proceeded with the troops to follow Lee into Pennsylvania for the Gettysburg Campaign which was a victory for the Union, though Lee's army avoided capture. At the same time, after initial setbacks, Grant laid siege to Vicksburg and the Union navy attained some success in Charleston harbor.[158]
Gettysburg Address
Main article: Gettysburg Address
The Battle of Gettysburg was indeed a Union victory, but the increased casualties dealt a blow to Lincoln's war effort, and more troops were needed to refill the ranks. Lincoln's 1863 military drafts, which had been passed by Congress, were considered "odious" among many in the north, particularly immigrants.[159] The New York Draft Riots of July 1863 were the most notable manifestation of this discontent. The Governor of Pennsylvania, Andrew Gregg Curtin, reminded Lincoln that political sentiments were turning against him and the war effort. Therefore, in the fall of 1863, Lincoln was mindful of the need to increase public support for the war effort. This provided a major theme for his address at the Gettysburg battlefield cemetery on November 19.[160]
The Gettysburg Address, one of the most quoted speeches in United States history,[161] was delivered at the dedication of the Soldiers' National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on the afternoon of Thursday, November 19, 1863, four and a half months after the Union Army there defeated the Confederates in a casualty ridden battle. The President's address was far shorter than other speeches that day. In just over two minutes and 272 words, his message was 1) a defense of his administration, 2) an explanation why the war had to continue despite the resulting devastation and 3) a pledge that because of these exertions "...government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth".[162]
After the Gettysburg battle, Lincoln also finally began to understand that his wishes as to the movement of Union troops could most effectively be carried out by using his War Secretary or his general-in-chief as an intermediary with his generals, who resented "civilian" interference with their plans. Even so, he often would continue to give detailed directions to his generals as Commander in Chief.[163]
General Grant
Three men standing in front of an army tent.
Lincoln, in a top hat, with Allan Pinkerton and Major General John Alexander McClernand at Antietam
Meade's failure to capture Lee's army as it retreated from Gettysburg, and the continued passivity of the Army of the Potomac, persuaded Lincoln that a change in command was needed. Lincoln was much impressed by the successes of General Ulysses S. Grant in the west, which made him a strong candidate to head the Union Army. Responding to criticism of Grant after the 1862 Battle of Shiloh, Lincoln had said, "I can't spare this man. He fights."[164] With Grant in command, Lincoln felt the Union Army could relentlessly pursue a series of coordinated offensives in multiple theaters, and have a top commander who agreed on the use of black troops.[165]
Nevertheless, he had some reservation that Grant might be considering a candidacy for President, as McCllellan then was. Lincoln arranged for an intermediary to make inquiry into Grant's political intentions, and finding none at that time, decided to promote Grant to command of the Union Army. He obtained Congress' consent to reinstate for Grant the rarely used full rank of Lt. General, once held by George Washington.[166]
Grant waged his bloody Overland Campaign in 1864. This is often characterized as a war of attrition, given high Union losses at battles such as the Wilderness and Cold Harbor. Even though they had the advantage of fighting on the defensive, the Confederate forces had "almost as high a percentage of casualties as the Union forces".[167] The high casualty figures of the Union alarmed the North; Grant had lost a third of his army, and Lincoln asked what Grant's plans were, to which the general replied, "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer."[168]
The Confederacy lacked reinforcements, so Lee's army shrank with every battle, forcing it back to trenches outside Petersburg, VA, where Grant began a siege. Lincoln then made an extended visit to Grant's headquarters at City Point, Virginia. This allowed the president to confer in person with Grant and Sherman about the hostilities, as Sherman coincidentally managed a hasty visit to Grant from his position in North Carolina.[169] Lincoln and the Republican party mobilized support for the draft throughout the North, and replaced his losses.[170]
Lincoln authorized Grant to target the Confederate infrastructure—such as plantations, railroads, and bridges — hoping to destroy the South's morale and weaken its economic ability to continue fighting. Indeed, Grant's move to Petersburg resulted in the obstruction of three railroads between Richmond and the south. This strategy allowed Generals Sherman and Sheridan to destroy plantations and towns in the Shenandoah Valley, Georgia and South Carolina. The damage caused by Sherman's March to the Sea through Georgia totaled more than $100 million by the general's own estimate.[171]
Confedrate general Jubal Anderson Early began a series of menacing assaults in the North which raised fears for the Capital. During his raid on Washington, D.C. in 1864, Lincoln was watching the combat from an exposed position; captain Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. shouted at him, "Get down, you damn fool, before you get shot!"[172] After repeated calls on Grant to defend Washington, Philip Sheridan was appointed and the threat from Early was dispatched.[173]
As Grant continued to wear down Lee's forces, efforts to discuss peace began. Confederate Vice President Stephens led a group to meet with Lincoln, Seward and others at Hampton Roads. Lincoln refused to allow any negotiation with the Confederacy as a coequal; his sole objective was an agreement to end the fighting and the meetings produced no results.[174] On April 1, Grant successfully outflanked Lee's forces in the Battle of Five Forks and nearly encircled Petersburg, prompting Lee to warn Jefferson Davis to evacuate Richmond. On April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered at Appomattox, Virginia.[175]
Emancipation Proclamation
Main articles: Abraham Lincoln on slavery and Emancipation Proclamation
Lincoln met with his cabinet on July 22, 1862 for the first reading of a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation.
Lincoln maintained that his power to end slavery was limited by the Constitution. He expected the eventual extinction of slavery would result from preventing its expansion into new U.S. territory. He also sought to persuade the states to accept compensated emancipation in return for their prohibition of slavery (an offer that took effect only in Washington, D.C.). Lincoln believed that curtailing slavery in this manner would economically expunge it, as envisioned by the Founding Fathers.[176]
In July 1862, Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which freed the slaves of anyone convicted of aiding the rebellion. Although Lincoln believed it was not within Congress's power to free the slaves, he approved the bill in deference to the legislature. He felt freeing the slaves could only be done by the Commander in Chief using war powers granted by the Constitution. In that month, Lincoln discussed a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation with his cabinet. In it, he stated that "as a fit and necessary military measure" on January 1, 1863, "all persons held as a slaves" in the Confederate states will" thenceforward, and forever, be free".[177]
In a shrewd reply to a denigrating editorial by Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune which urged emancipation as a prerequisite to military success, the President subordinated the goal of ending slavery to the primary goal of preserving the Union. Privately, Lincoln had in fact concluded at this point that the war could not be won without freeing the slaves, and so it was a necessity "to do more to help the cause":
My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.[178]
The Emancipation Proclamation, issued on September 22, 1862, and put into effect on January 1, 1863, freed slaves in territories not already under Union control. Once the abolition of slavery in the rebel states became a military objective, as Union armies advanced south, more slaves were liberated until all of them in Confederate territory (over three million) were freed. Lincoln's comment on the signing of the Proclamation was: "I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right, than I do in signing this paper."[179] A few days after the Emancipation was announced, 13 Republican governors met at the War Governors' Conference; they supported the president's Proclamation, but suggested the removal of General George B. McClellan as commander of the Union Army.[180]
For some time, Lincoln continued earlier plans to set up colonies for the newly freed slaves. He commented favorably on colonization in the Emancipation Proclamation, but all attempts at such a massive undertaking failed. Lincoln later sought to incorporate the policy of the proclamation into the Constitution through passage of the 13th Amendment, permanently abolishing slavery throughout the nation.[181] He personally lobbied individual Congressmen for the amendment, which was passed by Congress in early 1865, shortly before his death.[182]
Using black troops and former slaves was official government policy after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. At first Lincoln was reluctant to fully implement this program, but by the spring of 1863 he was ready to initiate "a massive recruitment of Negro troops". In a letter to Andrew Johnson, the military governor of Tennessee, encouraging him to lead the way in raising black troops, Lincoln wrote, "The bare sight of 50,000 armed and drilled black soldiers on the banks of the Mississippi would end the rebellion at once."[183] By the end of 1863, at Lincoln's direction, General Lorenzo Thomas had recruited 20 regiments of blacks from the Mississippi Valley.[184] Frederick Douglass once observed that Lincoln was "the first great man that I talked with in the United States freely who in no single instance reminded me I was a Negro".[185]
1864 Reelection
Main article: United States presidential election, 1864
Map of the U.S. showing Lincoln winning all the Union states except for Kentucky, New Jersey, and Delaware. The Southern states are not included.
1864 Presidential election results
When Grant's spring campaigns turned into bloody stalemates, Lincoln supported Grant's determination to wear down Lee's Confederate army even at the cost of heavy Union casualties. With an election looming, he easily defeated efforts to deny his renomination. At the Convention, the Republican Party selected Andrew Johnson, a War Democrat from the Southern state of Tennessee, as his running mate to form a broader coalition. They ran on the new Union Party ticket uniting Republicans and War Democrats.[186]
Nevertheless, the lack of military success wore heavily on the President's re-election prospects, and even many Republicans across the country feared that Lincoln would be defeated and a number began looking for a substitute. Acknowledging this fear, Lincoln wrote and signed a pledge that, if he should lose the election, he would still defeat the Confederacy before turning over the White House:[187]
This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward.[188]
Lincoln did not show the pledge to his cabinet, but asked them to sign the sealed envelope. While the Democratic platform followed the Peace wing of the party and called the war a "failure", their candidate, General George B. McClellan, supported the war and repudiated the platform. Lincoln provided Grant with new replacements and mobilized his party to support Grant and win local support for the war effort. Sherman's capture of Atlanta in September and David Farragut's capture of Mobile ended defeatist jitters;[189] the Democratic Party was deeply split, with some leaders and most soldiers openly for Lincoln. By contrast, the Union Party was united and energized as Lincoln made emancipation the central issue, and state GOP parties stressed the perfidy of the Copperheads.[190] Lincoln was easily reelected in a landslide, carrying all but three states, and sweeping 78% of the Union soldiers' vote.[191]
Second Inaugural Address
Main article: Lincoln's second inaugural address
A large crowd in front of a large building with pillars.
Lincoln giving a speech at this second inauguration. Here, he stands in the center, with papers in his hand.
On March 4, 1865, Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address, the shortest inaugural speech in history and his personal favorite. At the time, a victory over the rebels was at hand, slavery was legally extinct, and Lincoln was looking to the future. His remarks were, in part:
Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's 250 years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said 3,000 years ago, so still it must be said, "the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.[192]
Lincoln's comment as he filed the speech away was "a fair amount of wisdom there". Frederick Douglass remarked it was "a sacred effort".[193]
Reconstruction
Main article: Reconstruction era of the United States
Reconstruction began during the war as Lincoln and his associates pondered questions of how to reintegrate the Southern states and what to do with Confederate leaders and the freed slaves. Lincoln led the "moderates" regarding Reconstruction policy, and was opposed by the Radical Republicans, under Rep. Thaddeus Stevens, Sen. Charles Sumner and Sen. Benjamin Wade, political allies of the president on other issues. Determined to find a course that would reunite the nation and not alienate the South, Lincoln urged that speedy elections under generous terms be held throughout the war. His Amnesty Proclamation of December 8, 1863, offered pardons to those who had not held a Confederate civil office, had not mistreated Union prisoners, and would sign an oath of allegiance.[194]
As Southern states were subdued, critical decisions had to be made as to their leadership while their administrations were reforming from the fall of the Confederacy. Of special importance were Tennessee and Arkansas, where Lincoln appointed General Andrew Johnson and General Frederick Steele as military governors, respectively. In Louisiana, Lincoln ordered General Nathaniel P. Banks to promote a plan that would restore statehood when 10% of the voters agreed to it. Lincoln's Democratic opponents seized on these appointments to accuse him of using the military to insure his and the Republicans' political aspirations. On the other hand, the Radicals denounced his policy as too lenient, and passed their own plan, the Wade-Davis Bill, in 1864. When Lincoln vetoed the bill, the Radicals retaliated by refusing to seat representatives elected from Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee.[195]
Lincoln's appointments were designed to keep both the moderate and Radical factions in harness. To fill the late Chief Justice Taney's seat on the Supreme Court he named the choice of the Radicals, Salmon P. Chase, who Lincoln believed would uphold the emancipation and paper money policies.[196]
When Richmond finally fell in April 1865, Lincoln went to the vanquished Confederate capital to publicly seal the Union victory, personally taking his seat at Jefferson Davis' own desk, in order to show reunion of the country under one president. Freedmen greeted his arrival at the city as a conquering hero. When a general asked Lincoln how the defeated Confederates should be treated, Lincoln replied, "Let 'em up easy."[197] On April 9, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Court House and the war was effectively over. The other rebels soon surrendered and there was no subsequent guerrilla warfare or insurgency of substance.
An older tired looking Lincoln with a beard.
The last known high-quality photograph of Lincoln, taken March 1865
Redefining Republicanism
Lincoln's rhetoric defined the issues of the war for the nation, the world, and posterity. The Gettysburg Address defied Lincoln's own prediction that "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here." His first and second inaugural addresses were powerful documents. In recent years, historians have stressed Lincoln's redefinition of republican values. As early as the 1850s, a time when most political rhetoric focused on the sanctity of the Constitution, Lincoln shifted emphasis to the Declaration of Independence as the foundation of American political values—what he called the "sheet anchor" of republicanism.[198] The Declaration's emphasis on freedom and equality for all, rather than the Constitution's tolerance of slavers, shifted the debate. As Diggins concludes regarding the highly influential Cooper Union speech of early 1860, "Lincoln presented Americans a theory of history that offers a profound contribution to the theory and destiny of republicanism itself."[199] His position gained strength because he highlighted the moral basis of republicanism, rather than its legalisms.[200] Nevertheless, in 1861 Lincoln justified the war in terms of legalisms (the Constitution was a contract, and for one party to get out of a contract all the other parties had to agree), and then in terms of the national duty to guarantee a "republican form of government" in every state.[201] That duty was also the principle underlying federal intervention in Reconstruction.
In March 18
From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
16th President of the United States
In office
March 4, 1861 – April 15, 1865
Vice President Hannibal Hamlin (1861–1865)
Andrew Johnson (1865)
Preceded by James Buchanan
Succeeded by Andrew Johnson
Member of the
US House of Representatives from Illinois' 7th District
In office
March 4, 1847 – March 3, 1849
Preceded by John Henry
Succeeded by Thomas L. Harris
Born February 12, 1809(1809-02-12)
Hardin County, Kentucky
Died April 15, 1865 (aged 56)
Washington, D.C.
Resting place Oak Ridge Cemetery
Springfield, Illinois
39°49′24″N 89°39′21″W / 39.82333°N 89.65583°W / 39.82333; -89.65583
Nationality American
Political party Whig (1832–1854)
Republican (1854–1865)
Spouse(s) Mary Todd Lincoln
Children Robert Todd Lincoln
Edward Lincoln
Willie Lincoln
Tad Lincoln
Occupation Lawyer, Politician
Religion See: Abraham Lincoln and religion
Signature Cursive signature in ink
Military service
Service/branch Illinois Militia
Years of service 1832
Battles/wars Black Hawk War
Abraham Lincoln (February 12, 1809 – April 15, 1865) served as the 16th President of the United States from March 1861 until his assassination in April 1865. He successfully led the country through its greatest internal crisis, the American Civil War, preserving the Union, ending slavery, and rededicating the nation to nationalism, equal rights, liberty and democracy. Reared in a poor family on the western frontier, he was mostly self-educated and became a country lawyer, an Illinois state legislator, and a one-term member of the United States House of Representatives, but failed in two attempts at a seat in the United States Senate. He was an affectionate, though often absent, husband, and father of four children.
As an outspoken opponent of the expansion of slavery in the United States,[1] Lincoln won the first Republican nomination and was elected president in 1860. As president he concentrated on the military and political dimensions of the war effort, always seeking to reunify the nation after the secession of the eleven Confederate States of America. He vigorously exercised unprecedented war powers, including the arrest and detention, without trial, of thousands of suspected secessionists. He issued his Emancipation Proclamation in 1863, and promoted the passage of the Thirteenth Amendment to the United States Constitution, abolishing slavery. Six days after the surrender of the main Confederate forces, Lincoln was assassinated, the first President to suffer such a fate.
Lincoln closely supervised the war effort, especially the selection of top generals, including Ulysses S. Grant. He brought leaders of various factions of both parties into his cabinet and pressured them to cooperate. He defused a confrontation with Britain in the Trent affair late in 1861. Under his leadership, the Union took control of the border slave states at the start of the war, and tried repeatedly to capture the Confederate capital at Richmond; each time a General failed, Lincoln substituted another, until finally Grant succeeded in 1865. A shrewd politician deeply involved with patronage and power issues in each state, he managed his own reelection in the 1864 presidential election.
Lincoln, the leader of the moderate faction of the Republican party, came under heavy sustained attack from the Radical Republicans, who wanted harsher treatment of the South, from Democrats who wanted more compromise, and from the seccessionists who saw him as their great enemy.[2] Lincoln fought back with patronage, by pairing his opponents against each other and by appealing over their heads to the American people, using his powers of oratory,[3][4] in particular, with the Gettysburg Address of 1863 which, although short, became one of the most quoted speeches in history. It became an iconic statement of America's dedication to the principles of nationalism, equal rights, liberty and democracy. At the close of the war, Lincoln held a moderate view of Reconstruction, seeking to speedily reunite the nation through a policy of generous reconciliation. Lincoln has consistently been ranked by scholars as one of the greatest of the U.S. Presidents.
Contents
[hide]
* 1 Childhood and education
* 2 Marriage and family
* 3 Early career and military service
* 4 Early national politics
* 5 Prairie lawyer
* 6 Republican politics 1854–1860
o 6.1 Lincoln–Douglas debates and Cooper Union speech
o 6.2 1860 Presidential nomination and election
* 7 Presidency
o 7.1 1860 Election
o 7.2 Secession winter 1860–1861
o 7.3 War begins
o 7.4 Assuming command for the Union in the war
o 7.5 Fighting with McClellan and on to Gettysburg
o 7.6 Gettysburg Address
o 7.7 General Grant
o 7.8 Emancipation Proclamation
o 7.9 1864 Reelection
o 7.10 Second Inaugural Address
o 7.11 Reconstruction
o 7.12 Redefining Republicanism
o 7.13 Domestic measures
o 7.14 Administration, cabinet and Supreme Court appointments 1861–1865
o 7.15 States admitted to the Union
* 8 Assassination
* 9 Religious and philosophical beliefs
* 10 Legacy and memorials
* 11 See also
* 12 References
* 13 External links
Childhood and education
Abraham Lincoln (no middle name[5] ) was born on February 12, 1809, the second child to Thomas Lincoln and Nancy Lincoln (née Hanks), in a one-room log cabin on the Sinking Spring Farm in southeast Hardin County, Kentucky[6] (now LaRue County). His older sister, Sarah (Grigsby), died while giving birth at a young age. He is descended from Samuel Lincoln, who arrived in Hingham, Massachusetts, from Norfolk, England, in the 17th century.[7] His grandfather and namesake Abraham Lincoln, a substantial landholder, moved from Virginia to Kentucky, where he was ambushed and killed by an Indian raid in 1786, with his children Mordecai, Josiah, and Thomas looking on.[8] Mordecai's marksmanship with a rifle saved Thomas from the same fate. As the eldest son, Mordecai by law inherited his father's entire estate.[9]
Thomas became a poor but respected citizen of rural Kentucky. He bought and sold several farms, including the Sinking Spring Farm. The family belonged to a Separate Baptists church, which had high moral standards and opposed alcohol, dancing, and slavery[10] , though Lincoln himself never joined a church.[11] In 1816, the Lincoln family lost their lands because of a faulty title and made a new start in Perry County, Indiana (now Spencer County). Lincoln later noted that this move was "partly on account of slavery" but mainly due to land title difficulties.[12]
A log house on display inside a larger building.
Symbolic log cabin at the Abraham Lincoln Birthplace National Historical Park
When Lincoln was nine, his 34-year-old mother died of milk sickness. Soon after, his father married Sarah Bush Johnston, with whom Lincoln became very close and whom he called "Mother".[13] But he became increasingly distant from his father. Lincoln regretted his father's lack of education, and did not like the hard labor associated with frontier life. Still, he willingly took responsibility for all chores expected of him as a male in the household. Lincoln also agreed with the customary obligation of a son to give his father all earnings from work done outside the home until age 21.[14] In later years, he occasionally loaned his father money.[15]
In 1830, fearing a milk-sickness outbreak, the family settled on public land in Macon County, Illinois.[16] Then in 1831, when his father relocated the family to a new homestead in Coles County, Illinois, 22-year-old Lincoln struck out on his own, canoeing down the Sangamon River to the village of New Salem in Sangamon County.[17] In spring 1831. hired by New Salem businessman Denton Offutt and accompanied by friends, he took goods by flatboat from New Salem to New Orleans via the Sangamon, Illinois, and Mississippi rivers; after finishing in New Orleans—and witnessing slavery first hand—he walked back home.[18]
Lincoln's formal education consisted of about 18 months of classes from several itinerant teachers; he was mostly self-educated and was an avid reader.[19] Very tall and strong, young Lincoln was handy with an axe and became a talented local wrestler, which imbued him with self-confidence. He was not a hard worker during his teens; indeed, family and neighbors often called him lazy.[20][21] Lincoln avoided hunting and fishing out of an aversion to killing animals.[22]
Marriage and family
Further information: Mary Todd Lincoln; Sexuality of Abraham Lincoln; Medical and mental health of Abraham Lincoln
Black and white photo of Mary Todd Lincoln's shoulders and head
Mary Todd Lincoln, wife of Abraham Lincoln, age 28
Lincoln's first romantic interest was Ann Rutledge, whom he met when he first moved to New Salem; by 1835, they had reached an amorous understanding, if not a formal engagement. Ann wanted to advise a former love before "consummating the engagement to Mr. L. with marriage". Rutledge died, however, on August 25, probably of typhoid fever.[23]
In the early 1830s, he met Mary Owens from Kentucky when she was visiting her sister. Late in 1836, Lincoln agreed to a match with Mary if she returned to New Salem. Mary did return in November 1836, and Lincoln courted her for a time; however they both had second thoughts about their relationship. On August 16, 1837, Lincoln wrote Mary a letter from his law practice in Springfield, suggesting he would not blame her if she ended the relationship. She never replied, and the courtship was over.[24]
In 1840, Lincoln became engaged to Mary Todd, who was from a wealthy slave-holding family in Lexington, Kentucky.[25] They met in Springfield in December 1839,[26] and were engaged sometime around that Christmas.[27] A wedding was set for January 1, 1841, but the couple split as the wedding approached.[26] They later met at a party, and then married on November 4, 1842, in the Springfield mansion of Mary's married sister.[28] While preparing for the nuptials and having cold feet yet again, Lincoln, when asked where he was going, replied, "To hell, I suppose".[29]
In 1844, the couple bought a house in Springfield near Lincoln's law office.[30] Mary Lincoln worked diligently in their home, assuming household duties which had been performed for her in her own family. She struggled as well to make the most of the austere finances of a prairie lawyer quite obsessed with his work.[31] One evening, Mary asked Lincoln four times to restart the fire and, getting no reaction, as he was absorbed in his reading, she grabbed a piece of firewood and rapped him on the head.[32] The Lincolns had a budding family, with the birth of Robert Todd Lincoln in 1843, and Edward Baker Lincoln in 1846. According to a house girl, Abraham "was remarkably fond of children"[33] and the Lincolns were not thought to be disciplinarian with their children.[34]
A seated Lincoln holding a book as his young son looks at it
1864 Mathew Brady photo depicts President Lincoln reading a book with his youngest son, Tad
Robert was the only child of the Lincolns to survive to adulthood. Edward Lincoln died on February 1, 1850, in Springfield, likely of tuberculosis.[35] The Lincolns' grief over this loss was somewhat assuaged by the birth of William "Willie" Wallace Lincoln nearly 11 months later, on December 21. But Willie himself died of a fever at the age of 11 on February 20, 1862, in Washington, D.C., during President Lincoln's first term.[36] The Lincolns' fourth son Thomas "Tad" Lincoln was born on April 4, 1853 and outlived his father, but died at the age of 18 on July 16, 1871, in Chicago.[37]
The death of the their sons had profound effects on both the parents. Later in life, Mary struggled with the stresses of losing her husband and sons; Robert Lincoln had to commit her to a mental health asylum in 1875.[38] Abraham Lincoln suffered from "melancholy", a condition which now may be referred to as clinical depression.[39]
Early career and military service
Main articles: Abraham Lincoln's early life and career and Abraham Lincoln in the Black Hawk War
Thin man looking to the right wearing a bow tie.
Sketch of a young Abraham Lincoln
At age 23, Lincoln began his political career in 1832 with a campaign for the Illinois General Assembly. He had achieved a reputation as an esteemed raconteur in New Salem, though he lacked an education, powerful friends, and money. He advocated navigational improvements on the Sangamon River.[40] Before the election he served briefly as a captain in the Illinois militia during the Black Hawk War, although he never saw combat. Lincoln returned from the militia and was able to campaign for the August 6 election. At 6 feet 4 inches (1.93 m), he was tall and "strong enough to intimidate any rival". At his first speech, he grabbed an antagonist by his "neck and the seat of his trousers" and threw him. Lincoln finished eighth out of 13 candidates (the top four were elected), though he got 277 of the 300 votes cast in the New Salem precinct.[41]
Lincoln served as New Salem's postmaster and then, after more dedicated self-study, as county surveyor.[42] In 1834, he won election to the state legislature after a bipartisan campaign, though he ran as Whig.[43] He then decided to become a lawyer, and began teaching himself law by reading Blackstone's Commentaries on the Laws of England and other masters. Lincoln's description of his learning method was: "I studied with nobody".[44] Admitted to the bar in 1837, he moved to Springfield, Illinois, that April,[45] and began to practice law under John T. Stuart, Mary Todd's cousin.[46] Lincoln became an able and successful lawyer with a reputation as a formidable adversary during cross-examinations and closing arguments. In 1841, he partnered with Stephen Logan until 1844, when he began his practice with William Herndon, whom Lincoln thought "a studious young man".[47] He served four successive terms in the Illinois House of Representatives as a Whig representative from Sangamon County.[48]
In the 1835–1836 legislative session, he voted to continue the restriction on suffrage to white males only, but removed the condition of land ownership.[49] [50] He was known for his "free soil" stance of opposing both slavery and abolitionism. He said in 1837 that the "institution of slavery is founded on both injustice and bad policy, but the promulgation of abolition doctrines tends rather to increase than abate its evils".[51] This was the first time he had publicly opposed slavery.[52] Until late in his presidency, Lincoln, perplexed by the insoluble problem of slavery, articulated a preference for colonization of the slaves, on a voluntary basis, to Liberia. This was despite strong opposition to the infeasible idea from people on both sides of the issue.[53]
Early national politics
Middle aged clean shaven Lincoln from the hips up.
Lincoln in 1846 or 1847
From the early 1830s, Lincoln was a steadfast Whig and professed to friends in 1861, "I have always been an old-line Henry Clay Whig".[54] The party favored economic modernization in banking, railroads, and internal improvements, and supported urbanization as well as protective tariffs, and no one was more enthusiastic than Lincoln.[55]
In 1846, Lincoln was elected to the U.S. House of Representatives, where he served one two-year term.[56] He was the only Whig in the Illinois delegation, but showed his party loyalty, showing up for almost all votes and making speeches that echoed the party line.[57] Lincoln developed a plan to abolish slavery in the District of Columbia, with compensation for the owners and a popular vote on the matter, but dropped it when he could not get enough Whig supporters. [58] He used his office as an opportunity to speak out against the Mexican–American War, which he attributed to President Polk's desire for "military glory—that attractive rainbow, that rises in showers of blood".[59]
Lincoln articulated his opposition to Polk by drafting and introducing his Spot Resolutions. The war had begun with a violent confrontation on territory disputed by Mexico and the U.S. but Polk insisted that Mexican soldiers had "invaded our territory and shed the blood of our fellow-citizens on our own soil".[60] [61] Lincoln demanded that Polk show Congress the exact spot on which blood had been shed, and prove that the spot was on American soil.[61] Congress never enacted the resolution or even debated it, the national papers ignored it, and it resulted in a loss of political support for Lincoln in his district. One Illinois newspaper derisively nicknamed him "spotty Lincoln".[62][63] [64]
Realizing Clay was unlikely to win the presidency, Lincoln endorsed war hero General Zachary Taylor for the Whig nomination in the 1848 presidential election.[65] Some of Lincoln's statements he would later regret, especially his attack on the presidential war-making powers.[66] Taylor won and Lincoln wanted to be Commissioner of the General Land Office, but that lucrative patronage job went to a rival in Illinois. The administration offered him the consolation prize of secretary or governor of the Oregon Territory. That was a Democratic stronghold and acceptance would end his legal and political career in Illinois, so the embittered Whig declined.[67]
Prairie lawyer
Lincoln returned to practicing law in Springfield, handling "every kind of business that could come before a prairie lawyer".[68] For 16 years he "rode the circuit", twice a year for 10 weeks at a time, appearing in county seats in the mid-state region when the county courts were in session.[69] Lincoln handled many transportation cases in the midst of the nation's western expansion, particularly the conflicts arising from the operation of river barges under the many new railroad bridges. As a riverboat man, Lincoln initially favored those interests, but ultimately he represented whoever hired him. His reputation grew, and he appeared before the Supreme Court of the United States, arguing a case involving a canal boat that sank after hitting a bridge.[70] In 1849, he received a patent for a "device to buoy vessels over shoals", or ballast tanks.[71] The idea was never commercialized, but Lincoln is the only president to hold a patent.[72]
In 1851, he represented Alton & Sangamon Railroad in a dispute with one of its shareholders, James A. Barret, who had refused to pay the balance on his pledge to buy shares in the railroad, on the grounds that the company had changed its original train route.[73] [74] Lincoln successfully argued that the railroad company was not bound by its original charter in existence at the time of Barret's pledge; the charter was amended in the public interest, to provide a newer, superior and less expensive route, and the corporation retained the right to demand Mr. Barret's payment. The decision by the Illinois Supreme Court has been cited by numerous other courts in the nation.[73] Lincoln appeared before the Illinois Supreme Court 175 times, 51 times as sole counsel, of which, 31 were decided in his favor.[75]
Lincoln's most notable criminal trial came in 1858 when he defended William "Duff" Armstrong, who was on trial for the murder of James Preston Metzker.[76] The case is famous for Lincoln's use of a fact established by judicial notice in order to challenge an eyewitness' credibility. After an opposing witness testified seeing the crime in the moonlight, Lincoln produced a Farmers' Almanac showing the moon was at a low angle, drastically reducing visibility. Based on this evidence, Armstrong was acquitted.[76] Lincoln rarely raised objections in the courtroom. However, in another celebrated case in 1859, where he defended Peachy Harrison, accused of stabbing another to death, Lincoln angrily protested the judge's decision to exclude evidence favorable to his client. Instead of Lincoln's being held in contempt of court as was expected, the judge (a Democrat) reversed his ruling, allowed the evidence and Harrison was acquitted.[76] Unbeknown to Lincoln, this client was a cousin, through Lincoln's father.[77]
Republican politics 1854–1860
Lincoln returned to politics, in opposition to the pro-slavery Kansas-Nebraska Act (1854), which repealed the slavery-restricting Missouri Compromise (1820). Senior Senator Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois incorporated popular sovereignty into the Act, and thus mandated that the people have the right to determine locally whether to allow slavery in their territory, rather than have such a decision imposed on them by the national Congress.[78]
Head shot of older, clean shaven Lincoln
Lincoln in 1860
On October 16, 1854, in his "Peoria Speech," Lincoln declared his opposition to slavery which he repeated en route to the presidency.[79] Speaking with a very powerful voice and an accent native to his home Kentucky,[80] he said the Kansas Act had, a "'declared' indifference, but as I must think, a covert 'real' zeal for the spread of slavery. I cannot but hate it. I hate it because of the monstrous injustice of slavery itself. I hate it because it deprives our republican example of its just influence in the world...".[81]
In late 1854, Lincoln decided to run as a Whig for an Illinois seat in the United States Senate (which was at that time elected by the state legislature).[82] After leading in the first six rounds of voting in the Illinois assembly, once his support began to dwindle, Lincoln instructed his backers to vote for Lyman Trumbull, who thus defeated the pro Kansas-Nebraska candidate, Joel Aldrich Matteson.[83] The Whigs had been irreparably split by the Kansas-Nebraska Act. Lincoln said, "I think I am a Whig, but others say there are no Whigs, and that I am an abolitionist, even though I do no more than oppose the extension of slavery." Drawing on remnants of the old Whig party, and on disenchanted Free Soil, Liberty, and Democratic party members, he was instrumental in forging the shape of the new Republican Party.[84] At the Republican convention in 1856, Lincoln placed second in the contest to become the party's candidate for Vice-President.[85]
In 1857–58, Douglas broke with President Buchanan, leading to a fight for control of the Democratic Party. Some eastern Republicans even favored the reelection of Douglas for the Senate in 1858, since he had led the opposition to the Lecompton Constitution, which would have admitted Kansas as a slave state.[86] In March 1857, the Supreme Court issued its controversial pro-slavery decision in Dred Scott v. Sandford; Chief Justice Taney opined that blacks were not citizens, and derived no rights under the Declaration of Independence or Constitution. Lincoln, though strong in his disagreement with the Court's opinion, was as a lawyer unequivocal in his deference to the Court's authority. Lincoln historian David Herbert Donald provides Lincoln's immediate reaction to the decision, showing his evolving position on slavery: "The authors of the Declaration of Independence never intended 'to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral developments, or social capacity', but they 'did consider all men created equal—equal in certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness'." [87] After the state Republican party convention nominated him for the U.S. Senate in 1858 (the second instance of this in the country), Lincoln then delivered his famous speech: "'A house divided against itself cannot stand'.(Mark 3:25) I believe this government cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all the other".[88] [89] The speech created an evocative image of the danger of disunion caused by the slavery debate, and rallied Republicans across the north.[90] The stage was then set for the campaign for statewide election of the Illinois legislature which would in turn select Lincoln or Douglas as its U.S. Senator.
4 cent stamp with a drawing of Lincoln giving a speech to a crowd.
US Postage, 1958 issue, commemorating the Lincoln and Douglas debates
Lincoln–Douglas debates and Cooper Union speech
The 1858 campaign featured the seven Lincoln–Douglas debates of 1858, generally considered the most famous political debate in American history.[91] The principals stood in stark contrast both physically and politically. Lincoln warned that "The Slave Power" was threatening the values of republicanism, and accused Douglas of distorting the values of the Founding Fathers that all men are created equal, while Douglas emphasized his Freeport Doctrine, that local settlers were free to choose whether to allow slavery or not, and accused Lincoln of having joined the abolitionists.[92]
Though the Republican legislative candidates won more popular votes, the Democrats won more seats, and the legislature reelected Douglas to the Senate. Despite the bitterness of the defeat for Lincoln, his articulation of the issues gave him a national political reputation.[93] In May 1859, Lincoln purchased the Illinois Staats-Anzeiger, a German-language newspaper which was consistently supportive; most of the state's 130,000 German Americans voted Democratic but there was Republican support that a German-language paper could mobilize.[94]
On February 27, 1860, New York party leaders invited Lincoln to give a speech at Cooper Union to a group of powerful Republicans. Lincoln argued that the Founding Fathers had little use for popular sovereignty and had repeatedly sought to restrict slavery. Lincoln insisted the moral foundation of the Republicans required opposition to slavery, and rejected any "groping for some middle ground between the right and the wrong".[95] Despite his inelegant appearance, Lincoln demonstrated an intellectual leadership that brought him into the front ranks of the party and into contention for the Republican presidential nomination. Journalist Noah Brooks reported, "No man ever before made such an impression on his first appeal to a New York audience."[96] Donald described the speech as a "superb political move for an unannounced candidate, to appear in one rival's (William H. Seward) own state at an event sponsored by the second rival's (Salmon P. Chase) loyalists, while not mentioning either by name during its delivery".[97] In response to an inquiry about his presidential intentions, Lincoln said, "The taste is in my mouth a little."[98]
1860 Presidential nomination and election
Main article: United States presidential election, 1860
Lincoln being carried by two men on a long board.
"The Rail Candidate"—Lincoln's 1860 candidacy is held up by the slavery issue (slave on left) and party organization (New York Tribune editor Horace Greeley on right)
On May 9–10, 1860, the Illinois Republican State Convention was held in Decatur.[99] Lincoln's followers organized a campaign team led by David Davis, Norman Judd, Leonard Swett and Jesse DuBois and Lincoln received his first endorsement to run for the presidency.[100] Tapping on the distorted legend of his pioneering days with his father, Lincoln's supporters adopted the label of "The Rail Candidate".[101] On May 18, at the 1860 Republican National Convention in Chicago, Lincoln became the Republican candidate on the third ballot, beating candidates such as William H. Seward and Salmon P. Chase.[102] Former Democrat Hannibal Hamlin of Maine received the nomination for Vice President to balance the ticket. Lincoln's nomination has been attributed in part to his moderate views on slavery, as well as his support of internal improvements and the protective tariff. In terms of the actual balloting, Pennsylvania put him over the top. Lincoln's managers had been adroitly focused on this delegation as well as the others, while following Lincoln's strong dictate to "Make no contracts that bind me."[103]
Most Republicans agreed with Lincoln that the North was the aggrieved party[104] of the Slave Power, as it tightened its grasp on the national government with the Dred Scott decision and the presidency of James Buchanan. Throughout the 1850s, Lincoln doubted the prospects of civil war, and his supporters rejected claims that his election would incite secession.[105] Meanwhile, Douglas was selected as the candidate of the northern Democrats, with Herschel Vespasian Johnson as the vice-presidential candidate. Delegates from 11 slave states walked out of the Democratic convention, disagreeing with Douglas's position on popular sovereignty, and ultimately selected John C. Breckinridge as their candidate.[106]
As Douglas and the other candidates stumped the country, Lincoln was the only one of them who gave no speeches. Instead, he monitored the campaign closely and relied on the enthusiasm of the Republican Party. The party did the leg work that produced majorities across the North, and produced an abundance of campaign posters, leaflets, and newspaper editorials.[107] There were thousands of Republican speakers who focused first on the party platform, and second on Lincoln's life story, emphasizing his childhood poverty. The goal was to demonstrate the superior power of "free labor", whereby a common farm boy could work his way to the top by his own efforts.[108] The Republican Party's production of campaign literature dwarfed the combined opposition; a Chicago Tribune writer produced a pamphlet that detailed Lincoln's life, and sold one million copies.[109]
Presidency
1860 Election
Map of the U.S. showing Lincoln winning the Northeast and West, Breckinridge winning the South, Douglas winning Missouri, and Bell winning Virginia, West Virginia, and Kentucky.
1860 presidential election results
On November 6, 1860, Lincoln was elected as the 16th President of the United States, beating Democrat Stephen A. Douglas, John C. Breckinridge of the Southern Democrats, and John Bell of the new Constitutional Union Party. He was the first Republican president, winning entirely on the strength of his support in the North: he was not even on the ballot in 10 states in the South, and won only two of 996 counties in all the Southern states.[110] Lincoln received 1,866,452 votes, Douglas 1,376,957 votes, Breckinridge 849,781 votes, and Bell 588,789 votes. The electoral vote was decisive: Lincoln had 180 and his opponents added together had only 123. Turnout was 82.2%, with Lincoln winning the free northern states. Douglas won Missouri, and split New Jersey with Lincoln.[111] Bell won Virginia, Tennessee, and Kentucky, and Breckinridge won the rest of the South.[112] There were fusion tickets in which all of Lincoln's opponents combined to form one ticket in New York, New Jersey and Rhode Island, but even if the anti-Lincoln vote had been combined in every state, Lincoln still would have won with a majority in the electoral college.[113]
Secession winter 1860–1861
Main articles: Baltimore Plot and Cornerstone Speech
As Lincoln's election became more evident, secessionists made clear their intent to leave the Union.[114] On December 20, 1860, South Carolina took the lead; by February 1, 1861, Florida, Mississippi, Alabama, Georgia, Louisiana, and Texas followed.[115] [116] The seven states soon declared themselves to be a sovereign nation, the Confederate States of America.[115] The upper South (Delaware, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Missouri, and Arkansas) listened to, but initially rejected, the secessionist appeal.[117] President Buchanan and President-elect Lincoln refused to recognize the Confederacy.[118] There were attempts at compromise, such as the Crittenden Compromise which would have extended the free slavery Missouri line of 1820,[119] and which some Republicans even supported; Lincoln rejected the idea, saying, "I will suffer death before I consent...to any concession or compromise which looks like buying the privilege to take possession of this government to which we have a constitutional right."[120]
Lincoln, however, did support the Corwin Amendment to the Constitution, which had passed in Congress and protected slavery in those states where it already existed.[121] A few short weeks before the war, he went so far as to pen a letter to every governor asking for their support in ratifying the Corwin Amendment as a means to avoid secession.[122]
A large crowd in front of a large building with many pillars.
A photograph of the March 4, 1861 inauguration of Abraham Lincoln in front of United States Capitol
En route to his inauguration, President-elect Lincoln evaded possible assassins in Baltimore, who were uncovered by Lincoln's head of security, Allan Pinkerton, and on February 23, 1861, arrived in disguise in Washington, D.C., which was placed under substantial military security.[123]
Lincoln directing his inaugural speech to the South, said, "We are not enemies, but friends. We must not be enemies....The mystic chords of memory, stretching from every battlefield, and patriot grave, to every living heart and hearthstone, all over this broad land, will yet swell the chorus of the Union, when again touched, as surely they will be, by the better angels of our nature."[124]
By the time Lincoln took office, the Confederacy was an established fact,[115] and no leaders of the insurrection proposed rejoining the Union on any terms; the Confederacy selected Jefferson Davis on February 9, 1861, as their provisional President.[125] The failure of the Peace Conference of 1861 rendered legislative compromise practically implausible. Lincoln and nearly every Republican leader by March 1861 agreed the Union could not be dismantled.[126]
War begins
Main article: American Civil War
The commander of Ft. Sumter, S.C. sent a request for provisions to Washington, and the execution of Lincoln's order to meet that request was seen by the secessionists as an act of war.[127] On April 12, 1861, Confederate forces fired on Union troops at Fort Sumter, forced them to surrender and thus the war began.[128] Historian Allan Nevins argued that the newly inaugurated Lincoln miscalculated in believing that he could preserve the Union,[129] and future general William Tecumseh Sherman, then a civilian, visited Lincoln in the White House during inauguration week and was "sadly disappointed" at Lincoln's seeming failure to realize that "the country was sleeping on a volcano" and the South was "'preparing for war'".[130] Donald concluded Lincoln fairly estimated the events leading to the initiation of war. "His repeated efforts to avoid collision in the months between inauguration and the firing on Ft. Sumter showed he adhered to his vow not to be the first to shed fraternal blood. But he also vowed not to surrender the forts. The only resolution of these contradictory positions was for the confederates to fire the first shot; they did just that."[127]
On April 15, Lincoln called on the states to send detachments totaling 75,000 troops[131] to recapture forts, protect the capital, and "preserve the Union", which in his view still existed intact despite the actions of the seceding states.[132] These events forced the states to choose sides. Virginia declared its secession, after which the Confederate capital was moved from Montgomery to Richmond. North Carolina, Tennessee and Arkansas also voted for secession over the next two months. Missouri, Kentucky and Maryland threatened secession,[131] but neither they nor the slave state of Delaware seceded.
Troops headed south towards Washington, D.C. to protect the capital in response to Lincoln's call. On April 19, angry secessionist mobs in Baltimore that controlled the rail links attacked Union troops traveling to the capital. George William Brown, the Mayor of Baltimore, and other suspect Maryland politicians were arrested and imprisoned as Lincoln suspended the writ of habeas corpus.[133] John Merryman, a leader in the secessionist group in Maryland asked Chief Justice Roger Taney to issue a writ of habeas corpus which he did, saying Lincoln's action of holding Merryman without a hearing was unlawful. Lincoln ignored it.[134]
Assuming command for the Union in the war
Main article: Abraham Lincoln and the Civil War
A group of men sitting at a table as another man creates money on a wooden machine.
"Running the 'Machine'": An 1864 political cartoon featuring Lincoln; William Fessenden, Edwin Stanton, William Seward, and Gideon Welles take a swing at the Lincoln administration
As Commander in Chief, Lincoln confronted in the war an unprecedented crisis, and he responded, using unprecedented powers which no President had wielded. He used his war powers to impose a blockade, to disburse funds before appropriation by Congress, and to suspend the writ of habeas corpus, arresting and imprisoning thousands of suspected Confederate sympathizers without warrant.[135]
The war effort was the source of continued disparagement of Lincoln from every direction, and occupied most of his time and attention, while he also mourned the death of son Willie. From the start it was clear that bipartisan support would be essential to success in the war effort, and any manner of compromise alienated factions on both sides of the aisle, such as the appointment of Republicans and Democrats to command positions in the Union Army.[136] Copperheads and other opponents of the war criticized Lincoln for refusing to compromise on the slavery issue. Conversely, the Radical Republicans criticized him for moving too slowly in abolishing slavery.[137]
In August 1861, General John Fremont in Missouri, created controversy on the Republican side when he issued, without consulting Lincoln, a proclamation of martial law in the entire state. He declared that any citizen found bearing arms could be court-martialed and shot, and that slaves of persons aiding the rebellion would be freed. Charges of negligence in his command of the Department of the West were compounded with allegations of fraud and corruption. Lincoln's efforts to reign him in were futile, and he was given another command in November. This decision in large part prevented the secession of Kentucky while incurring the wrath of many in the North.[138]
The war assumed foreign policy implications in 1861 when James Mason and John Slidell, ministers of the Confederacy to Great Britain and France, boarded the British ship Trent in Havana, Cuba. The U.S. Navy illegally intercepted the Trent on the high seas and seized the two Confederate envoys; Britain protested vehemently while American public opinion cheered. Lincoln managed to resolve the issue by releasing the two men.[139]
Lincoln's foreign policy approach had been initially hands off, due to his inexperience; he left most diplomacy appointments and other foreign policy matters to his Secretary of State, William Seward. Seward's initial reaction to the Trent affair however, was too bellicose, so Lincoln from that time also turned to Sen. Charles Sumner, the chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, and an expert in British diplomacy.[140]
Despite his lack of expertise in military affairs, Lincoln studied books from the Library of Congress and devoured the telegraphic reports, keeping close tabs on all phases of the military effort and making a special effort to consult with governors and to select generals in terms of their past success. In January 1862, after numerous complaints about the running of the War Department, Lincoln dismissed the inept Secretary Simon Cameron and replaced him with Edwin Stanton, a reputedly superb leader.[141] In terms of war strategy, Lincoln articulated two priorities: to ensure that Washington was well defended; and to conduct an aggressive war effort that would satisfy the demand in the North for prompt, decisive victory; indeed, major northern newspaper editors expected victory within 90 days.[142] Two days a week, Lincoln would meet with his cabinet in the afternoon, and occasionally his wife would force him to take a carriage ride because she was concerned he was working too hard.[143] Lincoln grasped the need to control strategic points (such as the Mississippi River and the fortress city of Vicksburg), and understood the importance of defeating the enemy's army, rather than simply capturing territory.[144]
Fighting with McClellan and on to Gettysburg
One of Lincoln's Democrat commanders, General George B. McClellan was proven incapable of taking the offensive in the conduct of the war as Lincoln desired. He became general-in-chief of all the Union armies in the wake of a surprising Union defeat at the First Battle of Bull Run and after the retirement of the aged Winfield Scott in late 1861.[145] McClellan, a young West Point graduate and railroad executive, took several months to plan and attempt his Peninsula Campaign, with the objective of capturing Richmond by moving the Army of the Potomac by boat to the peninsula and then overland to Richmond. McClellan's repeated delays frustrated Lincoln and Congress, as did his position that no troops were needed to defend Washington. Lincoln insisted on holding some of McClellan's troops in defense of the capital; McClellan, who consistently overestimated the strength of Confederate troops, blamed this decision for the ultimate failure of the Peninsula Campaign.[146]
Lincoln removed McClellan as general-in-chief (i.e. chief strategist) and appointed Henry Wager Halleck, after McClellan's Harrison's Landing Letter, in which he offered unsolicited political advice to Lincoln, urging caution in the war effort.[147] McClellan's letter incensed Radical Republicans, who successfully pressured Lincoln to appoint John Pope, a Republican, as head of the new Army of Virginia. Pope complied with Lincoln's strategic desire to move toward Richmond from the north, thus protecting the capital from attack. However, lacking requested reinforcements from McClellan, Pope was soundly defeated at the Second Battle of Bull Run in the summer of 1862, forcing the Army of the Potomac to defend Washington for a second time.[148] Meanwhile the war also expanded with naval operations in 1862 when the CSS Virginia, formerly the USS Merrimack, damaged or destroyed three Union vessels in Norfolk before being engaged and damaged by the USS Monitor. Lincoln closely reviewed the dispatches and interrogated naval officers concerning the naval engagements.[149]
Despite his dissatisfaction with McClellan's failure to reinforce Pope, Lincoln was desperate, and restored him to command of all forces around Washington, to the dismay of all in his cabinet but Seward.[150] Two days after McClellan's return to command, General Lee's forces crossed the Potomac River into Maryland, leading to the Battle of Antietam (September 1862).[151] The ensuing Union victory, one of the bloodiest in American history, enabled Lincoln to announce that he would issue an Emancipation Proclamation in January. He had actually written this some time earlier but could not issue it in the wake of previous military defeats.[152] McClellan then resisted the President's demand that he pursue Lee's retreating and exposed army, while his counterpart General Don Carlos Buell likewise refused orders to move the Army of the Ohio against rebel forces in eastern Tennessee. As a result, Lincoln replaced Buell with William Rosecrans; and, after the 1862 midterm elections, he replaced McClellan with Republican Ambrose Burnside. Both of these replacements were political moderates and prospectively more supportive of the Commander in Chief.[153]
But Burnside, against the advice of the president, prematurely launched an offensive across the Rappahannock River and was stunningly defeated by Lee at Fredericksburg in December. Not only had Burnside been defeated on the battlefield, discontent and bad discipline was rampant among his soldiers. The average monthly desertion rate during 1863 was 4,650, and it soared after Fredericksburg. Lincoln brought in Joseph Hooker, despite his history of loose talk about a military dictatorship.[154]
The mid-term elections in 1862 brought the Republicans severe losses due to sharp disfavor with the Administration over its failure to deliver a speedy end to the war, as well as rising inflation, high new taxes, rumors of corruption, the suspension of habeas corpus, the draft law, and fears that freed slaves would undermine the labor market. The Emancipation Proclamation announced in September gained votes in Yankee areas of New England and the upper Midwest, but it lost votes in the ethnic cities and the lower Midwest. While Republicans were discouraged, Democrats were energized and did especially well in Pennsylvania, Ohio, Indiana, and New York. The Republicans did maintain their majorities in Congress and in the major states, except New York. The Cincinnati Gazette contended that the voters, "are depressed by the interminable nature of this war, as so far conducted, and by the rapid exhaustion of the national resources without progress".[155]
In the spring of 1863, Lincoln was optimistic about a group of upcoming battle plans, to the point of thinking the end of the war could be near if a string of victories could be put together; these plans included Hooker's attack on Lee north of Richmond, Rosecrans' on Chattanooga, Grant's on Vicksburg and a naval assault on Charleston. The Commander in Chief became despondent when none of these plans, at least initially, succeeded.[156]
Hooker was routed by Lee at the Battle of Chancellorsville in May[157] but continued to command his troops for some weeks. He ignored Lincoln's order to divide his troops, and possibly force Lee to do the same in Harper's Ferry, and tendered his resignation, which was accepted. He was replaced by George Meade who proceeded with the troops to follow Lee into Pennsylvania for the Gettysburg Campaign which was a victory for the Union, though Lee's army avoided capture. At the same time, after initial setbacks, Grant laid siege to Vicksburg and the Union navy attained some success in Charleston harbor.[158]
Gettysburg Address
Main article: Gettysburg Address
The Battle of Gettysburg was indeed a Union victory, but the increased casualties dealt a blow to Lincoln's war effort, and more troops were needed to refill the ranks. Lincoln's 1863 military drafts, which had been passed by Congress, were considered "odious" among many in the north, particularly immigrants.[159] The New York Draft Riots of July 1863 were the most notable manifestation of this discontent. The Governor of Pennsylvania, Andrew Gregg Curtin, reminded Lincoln that political sentiments were turning against him and the war effort. Therefore, in the fall of 1863, Lincoln was mindful of the need to increase public support for the war effort. This provided a major theme for his address at the Gettysburg battlefield cemetery on November 19.[160]
The Gettysburg Address, one of the most quoted speeches in United States history,[161] was delivered at the dedication of the Soldiers' National Cemetery in Gettysburg, Pennsylvania, on the afternoon of Thursday, November 19, 1863, four and a half months after the Union Army there defeated the Confederates in a casualty ridden battle. The President's address was far shorter than other speeches that day. In just over two minutes and 272 words, his message was 1) a defense of his administration, 2) an explanation why the war had to continue despite the resulting devastation and 3) a pledge that because of these exertions "...government of the people, by the people, for the people, shall not perish from the earth".[162]
After the Gettysburg battle, Lincoln also finally began to understand that his wishes as to the movement of Union troops could most effectively be carried out by using his War Secretary or his general-in-chief as an intermediary with his generals, who resented "civilian" interference with their plans. Even so, he often would continue to give detailed directions to his generals as Commander in Chief.[163]
General Grant
Three men standing in front of an army tent.
Lincoln, in a top hat, with Allan Pinkerton and Major General John Alexander McClernand at Antietam
Meade's failure to capture Lee's army as it retreated from Gettysburg, and the continued passivity of the Army of the Potomac, persuaded Lincoln that a change in command was needed. Lincoln was much impressed by the successes of General Ulysses S. Grant in the west, which made him a strong candidate to head the Union Army. Responding to criticism of Grant after the 1862 Battle of Shiloh, Lincoln had said, "I can't spare this man. He fights."[164] With Grant in command, Lincoln felt the Union Army could relentlessly pursue a series of coordinated offensives in multiple theaters, and have a top commander who agreed on the use of black troops.[165]
Nevertheless, he had some reservation that Grant might be considering a candidacy for President, as McCllellan then was. Lincoln arranged for an intermediary to make inquiry into Grant's political intentions, and finding none at that time, decided to promote Grant to command of the Union Army. He obtained Congress' consent to reinstate for Grant the rarely used full rank of Lt. General, once held by George Washington.[166]
Grant waged his bloody Overland Campaign in 1864. This is often characterized as a war of attrition, given high Union losses at battles such as the Wilderness and Cold Harbor. Even though they had the advantage of fighting on the defensive, the Confederate forces had "almost as high a percentage of casualties as the Union forces".[167] The high casualty figures of the Union alarmed the North; Grant had lost a third of his army, and Lincoln asked what Grant's plans were, to which the general replied, "I propose to fight it out on this line if it takes all summer."[168]
The Confederacy lacked reinforcements, so Lee's army shrank with every battle, forcing it back to trenches outside Petersburg, VA, where Grant began a siege. Lincoln then made an extended visit to Grant's headquarters at City Point, Virginia. This allowed the president to confer in person with Grant and Sherman about the hostilities, as Sherman coincidentally managed a hasty visit to Grant from his position in North Carolina.[169] Lincoln and the Republican party mobilized support for the draft throughout the North, and replaced his losses.[170]
Lincoln authorized Grant to target the Confederate infrastructure—such as plantations, railroads, and bridges — hoping to destroy the South's morale and weaken its economic ability to continue fighting. Indeed, Grant's move to Petersburg resulted in the obstruction of three railroads between Richmond and the south. This strategy allowed Generals Sherman and Sheridan to destroy plantations and towns in the Shenandoah Valley, Georgia and South Carolina. The damage caused by Sherman's March to the Sea through Georgia totaled more than $100 million by the general's own estimate.[171]
Confedrate general Jubal Anderson Early began a series of menacing assaults in the North which raised fears for the Capital. During his raid on Washington, D.C. in 1864, Lincoln was watching the combat from an exposed position; captain Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr. shouted at him, "Get down, you damn fool, before you get shot!"[172] After repeated calls on Grant to defend Washington, Philip Sheridan was appointed and the threat from Early was dispatched.[173]
As Grant continued to wear down Lee's forces, efforts to discuss peace began. Confederate Vice President Stephens led a group to meet with Lincoln, Seward and others at Hampton Roads. Lincoln refused to allow any negotiation with the Confederacy as a coequal; his sole objective was an agreement to end the fighting and the meetings produced no results.[174] On April 1, Grant successfully outflanked Lee's forces in the Battle of Five Forks and nearly encircled Petersburg, prompting Lee to warn Jefferson Davis to evacuate Richmond. On April 9, 1865, Lee surrendered at Appomattox, Virginia.[175]
Emancipation Proclamation
Main articles: Abraham Lincoln on slavery and Emancipation Proclamation
Lincoln met with his cabinet on July 22, 1862 for the first reading of a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation.
Lincoln maintained that his power to end slavery was limited by the Constitution. He expected the eventual extinction of slavery would result from preventing its expansion into new U.S. territory. He also sought to persuade the states to accept compensated emancipation in return for their prohibition of slavery (an offer that took effect only in Washington, D.C.). Lincoln believed that curtailing slavery in this manner would economically expunge it, as envisioned by the Founding Fathers.[176]
In July 1862, Congress passed the Second Confiscation Act, which freed the slaves of anyone convicted of aiding the rebellion. Although Lincoln believed it was not within Congress's power to free the slaves, he approved the bill in deference to the legislature. He felt freeing the slaves could only be done by the Commander in Chief using war powers granted by the Constitution. In that month, Lincoln discussed a draft of the Emancipation Proclamation with his cabinet. In it, he stated that "as a fit and necessary military measure" on January 1, 1863, "all persons held as a slaves" in the Confederate states will" thenceforward, and forever, be free".[177]
In a shrewd reply to a denigrating editorial by Horace Greeley of the New York Tribune which urged emancipation as a prerequisite to military success, the President subordinated the goal of ending slavery to the primary goal of preserving the Union. Privately, Lincoln had in fact concluded at this point that the war could not be won without freeing the slaves, and so it was a necessity "to do more to help the cause":
My paramount object in this struggle is to save the Union, and is not either to save or to destroy slavery. If I could save the Union without freeing any slave I would do it, and if I could save it by freeing all the slaves I would do it; and if I could save it by freeing some and leaving others alone I would also do that. What I do about slavery, and the colored race, I do because I believe it helps to save the Union; and what I forbear, I forbear because I do not believe it would help to save the Union.[178]
The Emancipation Proclamation, issued on September 22, 1862, and put into effect on January 1, 1863, freed slaves in territories not already under Union control. Once the abolition of slavery in the rebel states became a military objective, as Union armies advanced south, more slaves were liberated until all of them in Confederate territory (over three million) were freed. Lincoln's comment on the signing of the Proclamation was: "I never, in my life, felt more certain that I was doing right, than I do in signing this paper."[179] A few days after the Emancipation was announced, 13 Republican governors met at the War Governors' Conference; they supported the president's Proclamation, but suggested the removal of General George B. McClellan as commander of the Union Army.[180]
For some time, Lincoln continued earlier plans to set up colonies for the newly freed slaves. He commented favorably on colonization in the Emancipation Proclamation, but all attempts at such a massive undertaking failed. Lincoln later sought to incorporate the policy of the proclamation into the Constitution through passage of the 13th Amendment, permanently abolishing slavery throughout the nation.[181] He personally lobbied individual Congressmen for the amendment, which was passed by Congress in early 1865, shortly before his death.[182]
Using black troops and former slaves was official government policy after the issuance of the Emancipation Proclamation. At first Lincoln was reluctant to fully implement this program, but by the spring of 1863 he was ready to initiate "a massive recruitment of Negro troops". In a letter to Andrew Johnson, the military governor of Tennessee, encouraging him to lead the way in raising black troops, Lincoln wrote, "The bare sight of 50,000 armed and drilled black soldiers on the banks of the Mississippi would end the rebellion at once."[183] By the end of 1863, at Lincoln's direction, General Lorenzo Thomas had recruited 20 regiments of blacks from the Mississippi Valley.[184] Frederick Douglass once observed that Lincoln was "the first great man that I talked with in the United States freely who in no single instance reminded me I was a Negro".[185]
1864 Reelection
Main article: United States presidential election, 1864
Map of the U.S. showing Lincoln winning all the Union states except for Kentucky, New Jersey, and Delaware. The Southern states are not included.
1864 Presidential election results
When Grant's spring campaigns turned into bloody stalemates, Lincoln supported Grant's determination to wear down Lee's Confederate army even at the cost of heavy Union casualties. With an election looming, he easily defeated efforts to deny his renomination. At the Convention, the Republican Party selected Andrew Johnson, a War Democrat from the Southern state of Tennessee, as his running mate to form a broader coalition. They ran on the new Union Party ticket uniting Republicans and War Democrats.[186]
Nevertheless, the lack of military success wore heavily on the President's re-election prospects, and even many Republicans across the country feared that Lincoln would be defeated and a number began looking for a substitute. Acknowledging this fear, Lincoln wrote and signed a pledge that, if he should lose the election, he would still defeat the Confederacy before turning over the White House:[187]
This morning, as for some days past, it seems exceedingly probable that this Administration will not be re-elected. Then it will be my duty to so co-operate with the President elect, as to save the Union between the election and the inauguration; as he will have secured his election on such ground that he cannot possibly save it afterward.[188]
Lincoln did not show the pledge to his cabinet, but asked them to sign the sealed envelope. While the Democratic platform followed the Peace wing of the party and called the war a "failure", their candidate, General George B. McClellan, supported the war and repudiated the platform. Lincoln provided Grant with new replacements and mobilized his party to support Grant and win local support for the war effort. Sherman's capture of Atlanta in September and David Farragut's capture of Mobile ended defeatist jitters;[189] the Democratic Party was deeply split, with some leaders and most soldiers openly for Lincoln. By contrast, the Union Party was united and energized as Lincoln made emancipation the central issue, and state GOP parties stressed the perfidy of the Copperheads.[190] Lincoln was easily reelected in a landslide, carrying all but three states, and sweeping 78% of the Union soldiers' vote.[191]
Second Inaugural Address
Main article: Lincoln's second inaugural address
A large crowd in front of a large building with pillars.
Lincoln giving a speech at this second inauguration. Here, he stands in the center, with papers in his hand.
On March 4, 1865, Lincoln delivered his second inaugural address, the shortest inaugural speech in history and his personal favorite. At the time, a victory over the rebels was at hand, slavery was legally extinct, and Lincoln was looking to the future. His remarks were, in part:
Fondly do we hope—fervently do we pray—that this mighty scourge of war may speedily pass away. Yet, if God wills that it continue, until all the wealth piled by the bond-man's 250 years of unrequited toil shall be sunk, and until every drop of blood drawn with the lash, shall be paid by another drawn with the sword, as was said 3,000 years ago, so still it must be said, "the judgments of the Lord, are true and righteous altogether." With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up the nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan—to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace, among ourselves, and with all nations.[192]
Lincoln's comment as he filed the speech away was "a fair amount of wisdom there". Frederick Douglass remarked it was "a sacred effort".[193]
Reconstruction
Main article: Reconstruction era of the United States
Reconstruction began during the war as Lincoln and his associates pondered questions of how to reintegrate the Southern states and what to do with Confederate leaders and the freed slaves. Lincoln led the "moderates" regarding Reconstruction policy, and was opposed by the Radical Republicans, under Rep. Thaddeus Stevens, Sen. Charles Sumner and Sen. Benjamin Wade, political allies of the president on other issues. Determined to find a course that would reunite the nation and not alienate the South, Lincoln urged that speedy elections under generous terms be held throughout the war. His Amnesty Proclamation of December 8, 1863, offered pardons to those who had not held a Confederate civil office, had not mistreated Union prisoners, and would sign an oath of allegiance.[194]
As Southern states were subdued, critical decisions had to be made as to their leadership while their administrations were reforming from the fall of the Confederacy. Of special importance were Tennessee and Arkansas, where Lincoln appointed General Andrew Johnson and General Frederick Steele as military governors, respectively. In Louisiana, Lincoln ordered General Nathaniel P. Banks to promote a plan that would restore statehood when 10% of the voters agreed to it. Lincoln's Democratic opponents seized on these appointments to accuse him of using the military to insure his and the Republicans' political aspirations. On the other hand, the Radicals denounced his policy as too lenient, and passed their own plan, the Wade-Davis Bill, in 1864. When Lincoln vetoed the bill, the Radicals retaliated by refusing to seat representatives elected from Louisiana, Arkansas, and Tennessee.[195]
Lincoln's appointments were designed to keep both the moderate and Radical factions in harness. To fill the late Chief Justice Taney's seat on the Supreme Court he named the choice of the Radicals, Salmon P. Chase, who Lincoln believed would uphold the emancipation and paper money policies.[196]
When Richmond finally fell in April 1865, Lincoln went to the vanquished Confederate capital to publicly seal the Union victory, personally taking his seat at Jefferson Davis' own desk, in order to show reunion of the country under one president. Freedmen greeted his arrival at the city as a conquering hero. When a general asked Lincoln how the defeated Confederates should be treated, Lincoln replied, "Let 'em up easy."[197] On April 9, Lee surrendered to Grant at Appomattox Court House and the war was effectively over. The other rebels soon surrendered and there was no subsequent guerrilla warfare or insurgency of substance.
An older tired looking Lincoln with a beard.
The last known high-quality photograph of Lincoln, taken March 1865
Redefining Republicanism
Lincoln's rhetoric defined the issues of the war for the nation, the world, and posterity. The Gettysburg Address defied Lincoln's own prediction that "the world will little note, nor long remember what we say here." His first and second inaugural addresses were powerful documents. In recent years, historians have stressed Lincoln's redefinition of republican values. As early as the 1850s, a time when most political rhetoric focused on the sanctity of the Constitution, Lincoln shifted emphasis to the Declaration of Independence as the foundation of American political values—what he called the "sheet anchor" of republicanism.[198] The Declaration's emphasis on freedom and equality for all, rather than the Constitution's tolerance of slavers, shifted the debate. As Diggins concludes regarding the highly influential Cooper Union speech of early 1860, "Lincoln presented Americans a theory of history that offers a profound contribution to the theory and destiny of republicanism itself."[199] His position gained strength because he highlighted the moral basis of republicanism, rather than its legalisms.[200] Nevertheless, in 1861 Lincoln justified the war in terms of legalisms (the Constitution was a contract, and for one party to get out of a contract all the other parties had to agree), and then in terms of the national duty to guarantee a "republican form of government" in every state.[201] That duty was also the principle underlying federal intervention in Reconstruction.
In March 18
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Tecnologia RFID ameaça privacidade
Extracto de um excelente artigo da prestigiada Scientific American sobre os perigos da tecnologia de identificação por radiofrequência (RFID) para a privacidade.
http://www2.uol.com.br/sciam/reportagen ... ia_10.html
Tarjetas de identificação por radiofreqüência
Minúsculos dispositivos de identificação por radiofreqüência, utilizados para rastrear suprimentos e estoques, estão presentes numa série de produtos. Defensores da privacidade alegam que eles representam novos riscos de segurança para usuários
por Katherine Albrecht
PARA CONHECER MAIS
Spychips: how major corporations and government plan to track your every move with RFID. Katherine Albrecht e Liz McIntyre. Thomas Nelson, 2005.
Radio-frequency Identification (RFID): addressing concerns over information collection and usage. Vídeo de mesa-redonda na faculdade de direito da University of Washington, em 19 de julho de 2007. Disponível no endereço: www.law.washington.edu/lct/Events/rfid
Privacy impact assessment for the use of radio frequency identification (RFID) technology for border crossings. Departamento de Segurança da Regional da Califórnia, 22 de janeiro de 2008.
Política e informações da Comissão Européia sobre RFID: http://ec.europa.eu/information_society ... dex_en.htm
Projeto de Ecossistema RFID da University of Washington: http://rfid.cs.washington.edu
Katherine Albrecht é doutora em educação pela Harvard University e diretora da Caspian, organização com 15 mil membros que defende a privacidade do consumidor contra a vigilância no comércio varejista. Desde 2003 está seriamente empenhada em denunciar e prevenir usos indevidos do RFID em produtos e em objetos de uso pessoal. Ela freqüentemente assessora legisladores e faz palestras sobre RFID e privacidade no Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). É co-autora de dois livros sobre como o uso comercial e oficial do RFID pode ameaçar a privacidade e a segurança pessoal.
Espiões da Vida Alheia
Embora a idéia de que corporações pretendem usar chips RFID para espionar pessoas pareça improvável, ela já é realidade. Vale a pena considerar uma patente da IBM solicitada em 2001 e concedida em 2006. A patente descreve exatamente como os cartões podem ser usados para localizar e descrever perfis pessoais, mesmo que o acesso a bancos de dados seja indisponível ou estritamente limitado. Intitulado “Identificação e localização de pessoas através de tarjetas RFID em ambientes comerciais”, fornece detalhes impressionantes sobre o potencial de vigilância dos RFID num mundo onde uma rede de leitoras de RFID – conectados às chamadas “unidades localizadoras de pessoas”– seria instalada em praticamente todos os lugares mais freqüentados pelo público: shopping centers, aeroportos, estações de metro, ônibus, elevadores, aviões, estádios esportivos, bibliotecas, teatros, e museus – para fazer monitoramento contínuo do movimento das pessoas.
De acordo com a patente, numa loja de departamentos o processo funcionaria da seguinte forma: “Um escâner de chips RFID, localizado num determinado ponto varre o chip RFID da pessoa. Enquanto ela se movimenta pela loja, diferentes leitoras de RFID espalhadas pelo ambiente captam sinais de seu chip, cujo movimento é mapeado com base nas direções tomadas. A unidade localizadora de pessoas mantém registros dos diferentes locais visitados, bem como o tempo de permanência em cada local”.
O fato de as informações pessoais não serem armazenadas no chip não é problema, explica a IBM, porque “as informações pessoais serão descarregadas na próxima vez que a pessoa usar seu cartão de crédito, cartão do banco, cartão da loja ou algum outro cartão”. O link entre o número único do chip RFID e a identidade da pessoa só precisa ser feito uma vez, para que o chip passe a servir como uma porta aberta para extrair informações sobre aquela pessoa. Apesar de a IBM pretender localizar pessoas por meio de minúsculos chips localizados em produtos de consumo, com os cartões de fronteira RFID atuais, não é preciso esperar que os chips de produtos individuais se espalhem. A nova carteira de habilitação com chip do estado de Washington seria facilmente localizada em lojas, pois ela pode ser lida por leitoras de estoque Gen 2, hoje usadas em grandes lojas de departamento.
Essa infra-estrutura de localização se tornará cada vez mais rendosa para o mercado, quando mais pessoas carregarem ou até vestirem itens com chips RFID. Atualmente estão em circulação dezenas de milhões de cartões de crédito digitais e de cartões ATM contendo chips RFID, juntamente com milhares de crachás de funcionários. Cartões de transporte urbano com RFID, muito usados na Europa e no Japão, estão chegando às cidades americanas. O sistema de rastreamento pessoal da IBM está em processo de patenteamento, mas um parque de diversões inglês chamado Alton Towers fornece uma ilustração real do potencial rastreador do RFID. Ao entrar no parque cada visitante recebe uma pulseira com um código de identificação RFID exclusivo. Conforme a pessoa se diverte nas atrações, uma rede de leitoras de RFID estrategicamente espalhadas pelo parque detecta todas as pulseiras numa certa área e aciona câmaras de vídeo próximas. Gravações dos percursos realizados espontaneamente pelas pessoas são armazenadas em um arquivo identificado com o número da pulseira. No final do dia o cliente poderá comprar um DVD de seu passeio para recordação.
Protegendo o Público
Se tarjetas RFID permitem que vídeos personalizados detalhados de milhares de pessoas por dia sejam gravados num parque de diversões, imagine o que um governo poderia fazer – sem mencionar comerciantes e criminosos. É por isso que meus colegas da comunidade da privacidade e eu nos opusemos firmemente ao uso de RFID em documentos de identidade emitidos pelo governo, ou em itens comerciais. Já em 2003, minha organização, a Consumidores
Contra Invasão de Privacidade em Supermercados (Caspian) – em conjunto com a Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, a Electronic Privacy Information Center, a Electronic Frontier Foundation, a Associação Americana de Liberdade Civil e 40 outros defensores e organizações líderes em privacidade e liberdade civil – reconhecemos essa ameaça e emitimos um parecer condenando o rastreamento de pessoas por meio de RFIDs.
Em resposta a essas preocupações alguns estados americanos apresentaram projetos de lei de proteção ao consumidor contra o RFID, – que foram rejeitados ou receberam emendas, por forte oposição de lobistas da indústria de RFID. Quando senadores de New Hampshire votaram um projeto de lei impondo rigorosa regulamentação sobre o RFID, em 2006, uma emenda de última hora o substituiu por um estudo de dois anos. Fui nomeada pelo governador para atuar na comissão de resultados. Naquele mesmo ano um projeto de lei da Califórnia, que proibiria o uso de RFID em documentos emitidos pelo governo, foi aprovado no Congresso e no Senado, mas acabou vetado pelo governador Arnold Schwarzenegger. No âmbito federal nenhum projeto de lei de proteção ao consumidor relativo ao RFID foi aprovado. Ao contrário, em 2005, a Força Tarefa de Alta-Tecnologia de Membros Republicanos do Senado americano elogiou as aplicações do RFID considerando-as “novas tecnologias empolgantes, altamente promissoras para nossa economia” e prometeu proteger o RFID contra regulamentações e leis.
Na União Européia órgãos reguladores estão examinando a situação. A Comissão Européia – o braço executivo da União Européia – reconheceu o potencial dos sérios problemas de privacidade que cercam os RFID e deram início a uma discussão pública no início deste ano. Em julho último, quando esse assunto chegou à mídia, esperava-se uma inflamada repercussão por parte do público, mas há poucas expectativas sobre uma regulamentação a favor da privacidade do consumidor. Num discurso, em março de 2007, Viviane Reding, membro da comissão de mídia e informação para a sociedade da União Européia, anunciou que, em lugar de legislar sobre a questão das RFID, a comissão deixaria “a cargo das empresas a regulamentação sobre identificadores de radiofreqüência”. “Minha posição é que não devemos interferir no desenvolvimento do setor” conclui ela.
Lamentavelmente a auto-regulação do setor industrial surte pouco efeito na proteção do público sobre riscos do RFID. A EPCglobal, órgão que atualmente estabelece os padrões técnicos para as tarjetas RFID, criou um conjunto de regras para seu uso no varejo. As recomendações do órgão impõem, por exemplo, que os consumidores sejam informados da existência da tarjeta RFID no produto – na forma de um símbolo RFID de identificação. No entanto, quando a Checkpoint Systems, empresa membro da EPCglobal, desenvolveu tarjetas RFID para serem camufladas em solas de sapato – numa clara violação do estabelecido pela própria organização –, Mike Meranda, então presidente da EPCglobal, confessou-me que, como as diretrizes eram voluntárias, nem ele nem a organização poderiam interferir.
O departamento de licenciamento do estado americano de Washington assegura aos cidadãos que seus dados pessoais serão resguardados, pois a tarjeta RFID da carteira de habilitação “não tem fonte de energia” e “não contém qualquer identificação pessoal” muito embora esses fatos não impeçam que as carteiras sejam usadas para rastreamento. Para alguns, uma falsa noção de garantia para tentar tranqüilizar o público pode ser perigosa. A Rede Nacional para o Fim da Violência Doméstica, grupo americano que tem se manifestado contra o uso de RFID em documentos de identificação e produtos ao consumidor, está apresentando ao Congresso exemplos práticos de como infratores poderiam se aproveitar da tecnologia para perseguir e monitorar suas vítimas.
Enquanto isso, a onda do RFID está ganhando força. Gigi Zenk, porta-voz de uma agência de licenciamento do estado de Washington, recentemente confirmou que atualmente há 10 mil licenças RFID concedidas a usuários comuns que andam normalmente com elas. Um enorme potencial para uso indevido, que só tende a aumentar. É verdade que o estado de Washington há pouco tempo esboçou uma resposta parcial, aprovando uma lei que declara a leitura não autorizada de tarjetas “com finalidade de fraude, furto de identidade ou qualquer outro propósito ilegal” como infração grave, sujeita a cinco anos de prisão e multa de US$ 10 mil. No entanto, em nenhum momento a lei estabelece que a leitura feita com outras intenções, como estratégias de vendas e promoção de produtos, ou para “controlar a população” seja criminosa. E nós somos coniventes com isso.
Extracto de um excelente artigo da prestigiada Scientific American sobre os perigos da tecnologia de identificação por radiofrequência (RFID) para a privacidade.
http://www2.uol.com.br/sciam/reportagen ... ia_10.html
Tarjetas de identificação por radiofreqüência
Minúsculos dispositivos de identificação por radiofreqüência, utilizados para rastrear suprimentos e estoques, estão presentes numa série de produtos. Defensores da privacidade alegam que eles representam novos riscos de segurança para usuários
por Katherine Albrecht
PARA CONHECER MAIS
Spychips: how major corporations and government plan to track your every move with RFID. Katherine Albrecht e Liz McIntyre. Thomas Nelson, 2005.
Radio-frequency Identification (RFID): addressing concerns over information collection and usage. Vídeo de mesa-redonda na faculdade de direito da University of Washington, em 19 de julho de 2007. Disponível no endereço: www.law.washington.edu/lct/Events/rfid
Privacy impact assessment for the use of radio frequency identification (RFID) technology for border crossings. Departamento de Segurança da Regional da Califórnia, 22 de janeiro de 2008.
Política e informações da Comissão Européia sobre RFID: http://ec.europa.eu/information_society ... dex_en.htm
Projeto de Ecossistema RFID da University of Washington: http://rfid.cs.washington.edu
Katherine Albrecht é doutora em educação pela Harvard University e diretora da Caspian, organização com 15 mil membros que defende a privacidade do consumidor contra a vigilância no comércio varejista. Desde 2003 está seriamente empenhada em denunciar e prevenir usos indevidos do RFID em produtos e em objetos de uso pessoal. Ela freqüentemente assessora legisladores e faz palestras sobre RFID e privacidade no Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT). É co-autora de dois livros sobre como o uso comercial e oficial do RFID pode ameaçar a privacidade e a segurança pessoal.
Espiões da Vida Alheia
Embora a idéia de que corporações pretendem usar chips RFID para espionar pessoas pareça improvável, ela já é realidade. Vale a pena considerar uma patente da IBM solicitada em 2001 e concedida em 2006. A patente descreve exatamente como os cartões podem ser usados para localizar e descrever perfis pessoais, mesmo que o acesso a bancos de dados seja indisponível ou estritamente limitado. Intitulado “Identificação e localização de pessoas através de tarjetas RFID em ambientes comerciais”, fornece detalhes impressionantes sobre o potencial de vigilância dos RFID num mundo onde uma rede de leitoras de RFID – conectados às chamadas “unidades localizadoras de pessoas”– seria instalada em praticamente todos os lugares mais freqüentados pelo público: shopping centers, aeroportos, estações de metro, ônibus, elevadores, aviões, estádios esportivos, bibliotecas, teatros, e museus – para fazer monitoramento contínuo do movimento das pessoas.
De acordo com a patente, numa loja de departamentos o processo funcionaria da seguinte forma: “Um escâner de chips RFID, localizado num determinado ponto varre o chip RFID da pessoa. Enquanto ela se movimenta pela loja, diferentes leitoras de RFID espalhadas pelo ambiente captam sinais de seu chip, cujo movimento é mapeado com base nas direções tomadas. A unidade localizadora de pessoas mantém registros dos diferentes locais visitados, bem como o tempo de permanência em cada local”.
O fato de as informações pessoais não serem armazenadas no chip não é problema, explica a IBM, porque “as informações pessoais serão descarregadas na próxima vez que a pessoa usar seu cartão de crédito, cartão do banco, cartão da loja ou algum outro cartão”. O link entre o número único do chip RFID e a identidade da pessoa só precisa ser feito uma vez, para que o chip passe a servir como uma porta aberta para extrair informações sobre aquela pessoa. Apesar de a IBM pretender localizar pessoas por meio de minúsculos chips localizados em produtos de consumo, com os cartões de fronteira RFID atuais, não é preciso esperar que os chips de produtos individuais se espalhem. A nova carteira de habilitação com chip do estado de Washington seria facilmente localizada em lojas, pois ela pode ser lida por leitoras de estoque Gen 2, hoje usadas em grandes lojas de departamento.
Essa infra-estrutura de localização se tornará cada vez mais rendosa para o mercado, quando mais pessoas carregarem ou até vestirem itens com chips RFID. Atualmente estão em circulação dezenas de milhões de cartões de crédito digitais e de cartões ATM contendo chips RFID, juntamente com milhares de crachás de funcionários. Cartões de transporte urbano com RFID, muito usados na Europa e no Japão, estão chegando às cidades americanas. O sistema de rastreamento pessoal da IBM está em processo de patenteamento, mas um parque de diversões inglês chamado Alton Towers fornece uma ilustração real do potencial rastreador do RFID. Ao entrar no parque cada visitante recebe uma pulseira com um código de identificação RFID exclusivo. Conforme a pessoa se diverte nas atrações, uma rede de leitoras de RFID estrategicamente espalhadas pelo parque detecta todas as pulseiras numa certa área e aciona câmaras de vídeo próximas. Gravações dos percursos realizados espontaneamente pelas pessoas são armazenadas em um arquivo identificado com o número da pulseira. No final do dia o cliente poderá comprar um DVD de seu passeio para recordação.
Protegendo o Público
Se tarjetas RFID permitem que vídeos personalizados detalhados de milhares de pessoas por dia sejam gravados num parque de diversões, imagine o que um governo poderia fazer – sem mencionar comerciantes e criminosos. É por isso que meus colegas da comunidade da privacidade e eu nos opusemos firmemente ao uso de RFID em documentos de identidade emitidos pelo governo, ou em itens comerciais. Já em 2003, minha organização, a Consumidores
Contra Invasão de Privacidade em Supermercados (Caspian) – em conjunto com a Privacy Rights Clearinghouse, a Electronic Privacy Information Center, a Electronic Frontier Foundation, a Associação Americana de Liberdade Civil e 40 outros defensores e organizações líderes em privacidade e liberdade civil – reconhecemos essa ameaça e emitimos um parecer condenando o rastreamento de pessoas por meio de RFIDs.
Em resposta a essas preocupações alguns estados americanos apresentaram projetos de lei de proteção ao consumidor contra o RFID, – que foram rejeitados ou receberam emendas, por forte oposição de lobistas da indústria de RFID. Quando senadores de New Hampshire votaram um projeto de lei impondo rigorosa regulamentação sobre o RFID, em 2006, uma emenda de última hora o substituiu por um estudo de dois anos. Fui nomeada pelo governador para atuar na comissão de resultados. Naquele mesmo ano um projeto de lei da Califórnia, que proibiria o uso de RFID em documentos emitidos pelo governo, foi aprovado no Congresso e no Senado, mas acabou vetado pelo governador Arnold Schwarzenegger. No âmbito federal nenhum projeto de lei de proteção ao consumidor relativo ao RFID foi aprovado. Ao contrário, em 2005, a Força Tarefa de Alta-Tecnologia de Membros Republicanos do Senado americano elogiou as aplicações do RFID considerando-as “novas tecnologias empolgantes, altamente promissoras para nossa economia” e prometeu proteger o RFID contra regulamentações e leis.
Na União Européia órgãos reguladores estão examinando a situação. A Comissão Européia – o braço executivo da União Européia – reconheceu o potencial dos sérios problemas de privacidade que cercam os RFID e deram início a uma discussão pública no início deste ano. Em julho último, quando esse assunto chegou à mídia, esperava-se uma inflamada repercussão por parte do público, mas há poucas expectativas sobre uma regulamentação a favor da privacidade do consumidor. Num discurso, em março de 2007, Viviane Reding, membro da comissão de mídia e informação para a sociedade da União Européia, anunciou que, em lugar de legislar sobre a questão das RFID, a comissão deixaria “a cargo das empresas a regulamentação sobre identificadores de radiofreqüência”. “Minha posição é que não devemos interferir no desenvolvimento do setor” conclui ela.
Lamentavelmente a auto-regulação do setor industrial surte pouco efeito na proteção do público sobre riscos do RFID. A EPCglobal, órgão que atualmente estabelece os padrões técnicos para as tarjetas RFID, criou um conjunto de regras para seu uso no varejo. As recomendações do órgão impõem, por exemplo, que os consumidores sejam informados da existência da tarjeta RFID no produto – na forma de um símbolo RFID de identificação. No entanto, quando a Checkpoint Systems, empresa membro da EPCglobal, desenvolveu tarjetas RFID para serem camufladas em solas de sapato – numa clara violação do estabelecido pela própria organização –, Mike Meranda, então presidente da EPCglobal, confessou-me que, como as diretrizes eram voluntárias, nem ele nem a organização poderiam interferir.
O departamento de licenciamento do estado americano de Washington assegura aos cidadãos que seus dados pessoais serão resguardados, pois a tarjeta RFID da carteira de habilitação “não tem fonte de energia” e “não contém qualquer identificação pessoal” muito embora esses fatos não impeçam que as carteiras sejam usadas para rastreamento. Para alguns, uma falsa noção de garantia para tentar tranqüilizar o público pode ser perigosa. A Rede Nacional para o Fim da Violência Doméstica, grupo americano que tem se manifestado contra o uso de RFID em documentos de identificação e produtos ao consumidor, está apresentando ao Congresso exemplos práticos de como infratores poderiam se aproveitar da tecnologia para perseguir e monitorar suas vítimas.
Enquanto isso, a onda do RFID está ganhando força. Gigi Zenk, porta-voz de uma agência de licenciamento do estado de Washington, recentemente confirmou que atualmente há 10 mil licenças RFID concedidas a usuários comuns que andam normalmente com elas. Um enorme potencial para uso indevido, que só tende a aumentar. É verdade que o estado de Washington há pouco tempo esboçou uma resposta parcial, aprovando uma lei que declara a leitura não autorizada de tarjetas “com finalidade de fraude, furto de identidade ou qualquer outro propósito ilegal” como infração grave, sujeita a cinco anos de prisão e multa de US$ 10 mil. No entanto, em nenhum momento a lei estabelece que a leitura feita com outras intenções, como estratégias de vendas e promoção de produtos, ou para “controlar a população” seja criminosa. E nós somos coniventes com isso.
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Vejam estes "apanhados" que mostram porque é tão difícil não ser um "macaco de imitação":
Os seres humanos são como as ovelhinhas ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=exEnzQNc ... re=related
Os seres humanos são como as ovelhinhas ...
http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=exEnzQNc ... re=related
- Mensagens: 101
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Quem está ligado: